Tsargrad in the eyes of a Communist Turk

General Secretary of the Communist Party of Turkey (Türkiye Komünist Partisi, TKP), Mustafa Kemal 'Atatürk', in Ankara (capital of the Socialist Republic of Turkey), 1921.​

The delegation of the Turkish Socialist Republic advanced through the old heart of the Ottoman Empire, Istanbul or also called Constantinople, now known as Tsargrad after its conquest at the hands of the Russian Empire.

The reason for the presence of the Turkish socialist government in Tsargrad was to discuss certain matters with the international community. The Turkish Socialist Republic was a very isolated country in central Anatolia, and its economic-technological underdevelopment posed several problems.

The Russian civil war, which occupied the attention of practically all the neighbors of the Turkish socialists, left them practically disconnected.

Accompanying General Secretary Mustafa Kemal was the Minister of Education, Ethem Nejat and several other young members of the Communist Party of Turkey, such as Şevket Süreyya Aydemir (23-24 years old).

The situation in the city was still a bit puzzling, the Russian civil war had caused trouble in the Black Sea. Although Tsargrad remained a loyalist city, there was an atmosphere of some fear and tension.

While the Urals operation had been successful, there was still the Directorate of the South and the Black Sea fleet loyal to Kolchak, posing a direct threat to Tsargrad.

"Civil war in England continues. The Opposition to the dictatorship is losing." Minister Nejat reads the newspaper with General Secretary Mustafa Kemal, from the balcony of the building where the Turkish delegation was staying.

"The British socialists made the mistake of relying on treacherous social democrats and bourgeoisie. It is the same mistake that the Balkan revolutionaries made years ago." General Secretary Mustafa Kemal indicates. "I will check if we can accept some refugees or send aid to them."

"Are you sure that the refugees might be interested in moving to Turkey, Comrade Atatürk?" Minister Nejat asks.

"Realistically, probably not. But it is time to show solidarity with our international compatriots." The Secretary General exclaims in response. "It is better to start getting international sympathy and allies, the death of Costantino Lazzari and Jules Guesde has damaged the credit and technical support we received from the Western Socialists."

"The situation in Russia is not helping either, Comrade Atatürk. Do you think some reform in our foreign policy is appropriate?" Minister Nejat questions with concern.

"It is clear that Turkey cannot be overly dependent on the international community, we must defend ourselves and be able to endure times of austerity." The General Secretary starts. "Furthermore, I fear that with the death of Guesde, Lazzari and others, we, the true communists, will abandon our revolutionary roots."

"What do you propose, Comrade Atatürk?" Nejat exclaims.

"Our revolution brought success in starting to eliminate religious influence in society, illiteracy and other problems. But it is still not enough. It is time to start a new phase of our revolution, continue the process of educational and social modernization so that Turkey never give up socialism. " Comrade Atatürk proclaimed.

"As you wish, Comrade Atatürk." Minister Nejat accepts.

"We will talk further of this topic in our country." General Secretary dictates.

A statue of Tsar Augustus Alexander III is put in Tsargrad, 1920s.

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Şevket Süreyya Aydemir watched the city of Tsargrad with some fascination, walking alongside other of the TKP Red youth. Having been born in 1897, these young people had experienced many events in a short time.

The Ottoman Empire had fallen in 1897, so they really had no longing for that time (their knowledge was limited to what their parents or grandparents said, and educational institutions, but nothing first-hand).

* The terrible economic, political and social situation that the Republic of Turkey went through after the Ottoman collapse.

* The Turkish socialist revolution and the civil war in the Republic of Turkey and the Socialist Revolution.

* The Cultural Revolution of the Socialist Republic of Turkey.

* The various reforms of General Secretary Atatürk (father of the Socialist Republic of Turkey): Agrarian reform, educational reform, secularization, introduction of socialism and beginnings of technological modernization.

The lives of these young reds were marked by many events, tracing back to the Ottoman Empire and its fall at the hands of Russia and its allies.

Nor long lives of modern problems because of others and the Turkish Socialist project, as example, Aydemir himself had had to denounce his own father (originally a wealthy landowner from Ottoman Bulgaria, who had lost everything in the wars with Russia) during the during the Turkish Culutral Revolution.

And Tsargrad was very different from anything these young men had seen in the Turkish Socialist Republic, or heard from the old Ottoman Empire.

The group's first foreign friends were a group of Azeris and other Muslim Caucasians who lived or were in the city.

The Ionian Turks and Cilician Turks, while generally Muslim, did not seem to have much to do with the socialist Turks.

"And tell me? What have you observed in the city?" General Secretary Atatürk asks the young people, accompanied by Minister Nejat.

As always, the brilliant Şevket Süreyya Aydemir goes first. "It is a very developed city in economic and bureaucratic aspects, it seems to work perfectly despite being almost isolated from the rest of the Russian Empire. It is also full of different groups of people from all over the Russian Empire."

Muslims, Orthodox and Jews. Greeks, Slavs, Caucasians and others. Workers, businessmen-merchants, soldiers and bureaucrats.

"A superficially accurate view. But there is still room for more in-depth material analysis" General Secretary Atatürk indicates.

"The conquest of Constantinople-Istanbul at the hands of the Russians changed many realities within the region, which went from being administered by a feudal or semi-industrial country like the Ottoman Empire, to the hands of an almost completely industrialized power.

An advance that initially might seem positive in the development of productive forces, but ignores other particular aspects.

* In the Ottoman Empire, citizenship was closely tied to religion and the capital was the focal point of the Ottoman-led Islamic Caliphate.

Although the Russian Empire had a certain process of secularization and opening to freedom of worship, the idea of "reconquering" Tsargrad was a concept deeply linked to the Russian Orthodox religion.

And as a consequence, we can say that the church, in particular the Orthodox Patriarchate, had a profound influence within Tsargrad and its Orthodox population.

Which could not always be positive for Muslim interests or progress. In the best of cases, inter-religious conflict was avoided by converting churches into museums ... but Russia has always been closely tied to orthodoxy, and this undoubtedly affected Tsargrad's policies.

* The truth is that with the policies of the Russian Empire, the original Turkish and Muslim population of the city began to have to share a political-demographic plurality with Orthodox and other peoples more-aligned with the Russian state.

It was not a completely forced displacement, true, but it was certainly in the interests of the Russian state and the religious-commercial-military elite to make the Straits a point loyal to their interests.

* It is true that the city of Tsargrad had obtained notable developments in its secondary sector (manufacturing industries) and tertiary sector (services, such as tourism), but we must bear in mind that this was motivated by imperialism (the geo-political ambition to obtain an exit to the Mediterranean and avoid a blockade in the Black Sea, which after the Ottoman fall, became a Russian Mare Nostrum).

Through the political-economic domination of vital points on trade routes, and through the creation of a zone of influence to nurture these assets, the Russian state and its bourgeoisie were able to catapult their economic benefits.

In essence, Tsargrad became one of the vital parts of the New Silk Road developed by the Russian Empire and its imperialist projects.

Perhaps Russia is one of the most successful imperialist countries of the modern era.

This is because Russia is capable of realizing her interests based on hard power (political-military force) and alienating the native population to follow those interests, based on soft power (economic and cultural force). "

-Brief parts of Şevket Süreyya Aydemir's analysis of Tsargrad.

Aydemir's analysis indicates positive (economic, politic and social) developments for the city of Tsargrad inside the Russian Empire, without leaving aside its contradictions (sustaining a multi-religious empire but influenced by orthodoxy), the motives behind it (geo-political interests) and how they were realized (imperialism).

Aydemir would become one of the most prodigious Kemalist theorists of the Turkish socialist project, although at times he was the victim of suspicion (almost purged). Eventually his talent would cause him to be sent to study and examine foreign socialist projects, with a prolific trip to Red Germany.

* [Annex]: As time passed, the truth is that the barrier between the Turks of Ionia, the Turks of Cilicia and the Turks of the Socialist Republic of Turkey was advancing.

Product of the Ottoman fall before establishing a fully 'Turkish-Ottoman' identity. Much of the Ottoman Turkish population identified themselves as Turkish-speaking Muslims.

And therefore, their ideological separation, of interests, economic-political structures and cultural changes, was separating them with the passage of time and generations (with different national interests and international interests).

One of the biggest divisions was uneven economic development, and differences between ideological fields.

The Socialist Republic of Turkey was for socialism-Kemalism and internationalism related to the socialist camp or even practiced isolationist policies (it depends on the time). While Cilicia and Ionia aligned with Russia and the Covenant of Nations, practicing a Liberal Democracy (with Turkish characteristics) and an illiberal regime of autocratic-military tendency.

Pan-Turkism ideas exist of course, but its popularity it fluctuates quite a bit and has so far produced no real results.

Although there was already an idea of Kemalism (Marxism-Kemalism according to some) or Mustafa Kemal Thought, the truth is that this idea deepens with the second stage of the Turkish Cultural Revolution.

The first stage eliminated most of the reactionary or counter-revolutionary elements that posed a problem for the Turkish socialist project (we are talking about Islamic extremists, the upper and petty bourgeoisie, anarchists, etc). And it laid the foundations for important reforms such as the introduction of socialism in education.

The second stage of the Turkish Cultural Revolution led by Mustafa Kemal had the objective of definitively implanting Marxism and Kemalism (Turkish socialism) in the state and society, heading towards Communism.

For this the principles of Kemalism / Mustafa Kemal Thought were created:

* Sosyalizm (Socialism): Kemalism defends the idea of the implementation and construction of socialism, replacing the capitalist-bourgeois structures.

This would mean the establishment of a Dictatorship of the Proletariat, led by a Communist Party under the precepts of Democratic Centralism.

In essence, the establishment of People's Republics (socialist states) and 'socialist democracy'. Mustafa Kemal's Turkey functioned as a unitary and centralist state, with a one-party state directing economic and political affairs.

* Popülizm (Populism): With Populism we do not mean 'common' populism, in the Turkish case we mean the social and cultural revolution of the socialist project in Turkey.

This socio-cultural transformation, which establishes the advance towards socialism, 'empowering the people' through the development of class consciousness, collectivism, proletarian unity (national and international) and emphasis on labor.

This people's revolution aimed to eliminate the anti-socialist elements within the past society and its order (economic, political, religious, social and cultural) and to firmly establish Marxism-Kemalism.

"Sovereignty belongs to the people. As a consequence, only the popular masses are omniscient and omnipotent.

They are almighty on Earth.

Therefore, my God, it is none other than the people. "

-Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who in his cultural revolution strongly supported secularism (a measure that falls within the 'Populism' of Mustafa Kemal Thought).

Later thinkers would try to syncretize Islam and socialism, but the Kemalists have always rejected a union between religion and politics-ideology.

* Devrimci Savunma (Revolutionary Defense): Kemalism prides itself on its revolutionary and militant roots, rejecting the idea of reformism and electoralism.

In the opinion of Marxism-Kemalism, the revolution must have the authority and militancy to defend itself from its external and internal dangers. In the process rejecting the 'bourgeois and social democratic methods', electoralism and reform (which aim more to dominate capitalism, not to eliminate it).

The Revolutionary Federation not only calls for militancy, but also for the purge of revisionist or counter-revolutionary elements within the socialist projects.

In Mustafa Kemal's opinion, allowing these elements to advance would mean a setback in the socialist project, which must advance towards Communism. Consequently, the continued existence of the elements that threaten the socialist project (which are a threat to historical-material progress) cannot be allowed.

* Siyasi bağımsızlık (Political independence).

* Ekonomik kendi kendine yeterlilik (Economic self-suffiency).

* Askeri özgüven (Military self-reliance).

The last three points (political independence, economic self-sufficiency and military self-reliance) mark particular characteristics of the Turkish socialist project.

Its geographically isolated position and limited possibilities meant that the Turkish socialist project needed strong economic, political and military independence from other countries, even from the socialist bloc from time to time.

In essence, while all countries need trade to survive, the Turkish socialist project wanted to try to achieve some form of autarky (independence of all).

Otherwise, without political, economic or military independence, the Turkish socialist project was doomed.

Red Turkey was surrounded by capitalist countries, and could not always trust or depend on the socialist countries of Europe at all times.

Therefore they had to develop their productive (economic) and military forces (national defense), as much as they could, for their own use. While they would support communists on the international stage, the Turkish Socialist Republic was simply a hermit country most of the time.

This process of great independence entailed: Development of military capabilities and heavy industry, industrialization of agriculture, advances in light manufacturing, and the like.

All of these points had successes and failures to varying degrees.

An example of the first advances in the Turkish socialist project was the creation of:

* Society of International Friends of Turkey: With the aim of promoting friendly relations with all countries that are opposed to capitalism, imperialism and colonialism, and that desire relations of equality with socialist Turkey, respecting the freedom and independence of the peoples .

* Red youth, 'red princelings' and other bodies for youth in the Socialist Republic of Turkey: These (official and unofficial) bodies, generally run by ministries such as the Ministry of Education, have the objective of educating Turkish youth in Marxism and keeping socialist progress alive in the Turkish society-state.

* Advances in the technification of some fields, mainly in the agricultural field, although it took between 1-2 decades (8 to 18 years).

* Attempts to establish trade relations with various countries, even non-socialist ones.

Unfortunately, Socialist Turkey has never been able to enter a commercial bloc or has not wanted to enter one due to various problems. At best they have obtained separate commercial agreements with blocks or deals.

* Revolutionize and 'classify' ( cadres) the members of Turkish society (intellectuals and artists, agricultural workers-peasants and industrial workers-proletarians).

Even today, Socialist Turkey seems like a mystery to the outside world, and has had interesting developments throughout its socialist experiment.

One case is the Kemalism or Mustafa Kemal Thought, that some people think is not even 'Orthodox' Marxism or Socialism anymore, and is literally 'National Socialism' for Turks.