Petrograd's victory caused a frenzy throughout Russia: Tsar Nicholas II had rolled the dice in a spectacular fashion.
Having won this gamble of the century, Nicholas II joined the ranks of the greatest generals in history. Just as Alexander the Great had Gaugamela, Hannibal had Cannae, Nelson had Trafalgar, and Napoleon had Austerlitz, Nicholas II had Petrograd.
"Haha!! We did it!! Those damn Germanic people are dead!! Haha!! Hahahaha!!"
After the Germans had completely retreated from Petrograd and Tsar Nicholas II had declared victory, numerous telegrams of congratulations arrived from the Allied powers, including Great Britain, the United States, and Italy. The defense of Petrograd elevated Nicholas to sainthood overnight.
The Tsar was, of course, God's representative, and there was no one in Russia who doubted this in name or in reality, and even in Britain or America, no one would speak ill of Nicholas to his face.
If there was anyone who had a cold attitude towards Tsar Nicholas II, it was Mannerheim, the driving force behind the defense of Petrograd.
When he heard the news of his victory he was first relieved, and then when he received the news of his promotion he was overjoyed, but after some time had passed and he had calmed down and read the details of the report he could not hide his deep dissatisfaction.
"We were constantly running low on ammunition, to the point that our men had to literally build walls of flesh..."
In contrast, what about the defense of Petrograd? A detailed report reveals that the amount of ammunition used in a single day was equivalent to the entire month's worth of the previous battles. On an average, per person, the amount of ammunition used was easily more than 10 times that amount.
--If they had stockpiled that much ammunition, wouldn't it have been better to distribute some to the punitive forces and the soldiers who had been sacrificed by the Capital Defense Force?
--Even if it wasn't the same, if there had been even 50% more usable ammunition, wouldn't more soldiers have been able to avoid losing their lives in vain?.
Although Mannerheim felt frustrated, he also fully understood that to a certain extent it was merely sentimental.
Logistics is not just about the total amount of stockpiles, but also about distribution, or how to move supplies.
In that respect, concentrating them in the capital, Petrograd, which had a well-developed infrastructure such as roads and railways, was the method with the least amount of loss. Kuropatkin and other members of the General Staff must have taken this into consideration when they deployed a strategy that deliberately took the lead in the future.
In contrast, although the German Empire had greater productivity and industrial power than the Russian Empire, most of the weapons and ammunition it produced was blocked from reaching the front lines by Russia's weak infrastructure.
If the Baltic region had had a railway network on par with that in Western Europe and the German army had been able to use it, the outcome of the battle for the capital would likely have been different.
(What's already happened can't be changed. At the very least, I'll make the most of my promotion to marshal...)
Nicholas II, feeling elated by his victory, promoted Kornilov, Mannerheim, Kuropatkin, and Brusilov to marshals in one fell swoop, an unprecedented move, but not unreasonable given the achievements of the three.
Some of the military elders were bitter about the move, but no one was so incompetent as to do something so unkind as to spoil the long-awaited victorious mood and antagonize both Nicholas II, who was now revered to the level of a military god, and the jubilant people.
"Shouldn't we take this opportunity to give more medals and promotions to local generals as well?"
At the award ceremony, Kuropatkin, who was the first to receive the award due to his age, was asked by Nikolai to speak, and he made the following statement:
"It is an honor to be recognized for our work in defending the capital. However, if only flashy, visible victories are recognized, the morale of those who provide the low-key but important work that supports the defense will plummet."
The success of a spectacular cavalry charge depends on how well the enemy's main force can be attracted by the down-to-earth infantry. Kuropatkin, a veteran general who had suffered a bitter defeat at the hands of the Japanese army and reached a state of veterancy, had not forgotten this humility.
(What can I say, that old man is, for better or worse, a "good person"...)
Kornilov bows his head and comments on Kuropatkin's honest character. There's no doubt that he's a good boss and a good person, but he doesn't seem like the type to last long in the cutthroat court.
It is surprising that Kuropatkin rose to the rank of marshal, but it was not a bad thing for him or for the Russian Empire.
"I'd like to ask you to do the same."
Kornilov stepped forward in front of Nikolai. Mannerheim, sensing the mood, quickly followed suit, and then Brusilov also knelt down in front of Princess Tatiana, and the scene unfolded like something out of an old anecdote.
Nicholas II looked stunned, but quickly realized that the situation was moving in that direction. The emperor was not afraid to break the ice when necessary, but was surprisingly good at reading the mood when it wasn't.
"Very well. Bring me the list of those who will be promoted and awarded later."
"Haha."
This victorious mood continued for about a week, and then, as the reinforcement of forces and the reorganization of troops were completed, the mood throughout Russia gradually began to turn to a counterattack. Although Nicholas II, also known as Stalin, wanted to counterattack immediately, he ended up spending the winter preparing for a counterattack.
**
While the army was preparing to counterattack, Tsar Nicholas II was finalizing internal control.
Since the start of the war, reactionary policies that made extensive use of the secret police had steadily turned the Russian Empire into a police state.
Martial law was imposed in the capital, Petrograd, and restrictions on movement such as curfews and city lockdowns were imposed in other major cities such as Moscow, and military tribunals were introduced to speed up trials.
"Well, all that's left are the bourgeoisie of the parliament."
At that time, the Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, had the following members:Socialist Revolutionary Party S.L.",Constitutional Democratic Party Cadet",October Party" and further to the right there was the "League of Russians," which was a group of various far-right extremists.
Naturally, Nicholas II found it most advantageous to have the far-right "Union of Russians" assume the upper hand, so he began by unifying the fragmented right-wing organizations.
(I never thought the day would come when I would have to use that traitor...)
The secret document delivered to the Tsar was addressed to "Roman Malinowski."
(Although he was a spy for the Russian Empire, he was a capable man who gained the trust of his comrade Lenin and was elected to the Bolshevik Party Central Committee, and even ran for office as a member of the Moscow Duma. As expected, he is doing a good job of uniting right-wing organizations.)
Malinowski's report stated that with government funding, he had succeeded in bringing together the remnants of the former "Black Hundred" and forming a united front.
The Black Hundred was a right-wing terrorist organization that once existed and was made up of reactionary intellectuals, government officials, clergy, and landowner representatives.
The slogan was "God, Fatherland, Tsar", proclaiming the inseparability of the trinity of Orthodoxy, patriotism and Tsarism.
In terms of image, they are similar to the Nazi Storm Troopers and the Fascist Blackshirts, and are similar in that they spoke out against discrimination against Jews earlier than the Nazis, and called for forced relocation and the Holocaust as solutions.
The report also stated that former Black Hundred groups such as the Russian People's Union and the Union of Russians in Petrograd, the Association for Anti-Revolutionary Struggle Activities and the Russian Tsarist Party in Moscow, and the Double-Headed White Eagle in Odessa could form a united front, and that a right-wing bloc led by the Union of Russians would be able to take complete control of parliament.
Furthermore, they are said to be organizing militias under the guise of volunteer groups.
They were called the "Green Shirts" and simply wore the green uniforms worn by veterans; green is the traditional national colour of the Russian army, which dates back to the Napoleonic Wars.
The "Green Shirts," marching in uniform green shirts, quickly attracted young people and exerted a strong sense of intimidation on the left.
"...Humans, wherever you are, think the same way."
A certain Italian came to mind - Nicholas II, aka Stalin - but he decided to approve it anyway.
It may seem like what he was doing was moving closer and closer to fascism, but Stalin was a realist and would use anything he could.
"For the time being, we will outlaw and oppress the Socialist Revolutionaries, Trudoviki, and Mensheviki who were critical of the tsarist government, but there is still a use for the Octoberists who are seeking conservative reforms. I don't like the fact that the Cadets are aspiring to Western-style democracy, but under the constitutional monarchy they do not reject the tsarist government. Let's have them play a part in the support system in the new Russia."
It may seem surprising, but Stalin did not reject "democracy." He was absolutely opposed to "liberalism."
In Western Europe, democracy means liberal democracy, a mixed system of "democracy" in the sense of political participation by the masses and "liberalism" based on individualism and tolerance of diversity.
Liberal democracy is based on the principle of individualism, which says that "for the benefit of the group, the suppression of individual rights must be kept to a minimum." Therefore, liberalism is required to protect individual diversity, and separation of powers is required to prevent the government from becoming tyrannical.
However, liberalism and democracy do not necessarily go hand in hand.
In a democracy....but,Not Liberal...." This was Stalin's idea, and he called this democratic centralism = democratic centralism.
In a word, it is a "monolithic democracy" that does not accept differences of opinion or case-by-case basis, and requires the people to always be "united". It denies diversity and individualism, and a "strong nation" in which homogeneous people behave in a collectivist manner and gather under a centralized government... this takes precedence over individual rights.
(That's right. I am not just an individual called Iosif Dzhugashvili,Stalin, Iron Man, And now, more than just the individual Nikolai Romanov,EmperorTsarThat is it...)
Before being an individual, there are social positions and roles such as a job title, being a father, and being a man. Humans are social animals and cannot live alone.
If that is the case, then it is only natural, and even an obligation, to prioritize the role required by society over personal tastes and preferences...
In other words, Stalin's idea of a "democratic society" was democratic in the sense that all people participated in society, but it was also a rational, efficient society in which each person, like a bee or an ant, performed the role allotted to them as part of society, and these groups were organically linked together.
On the other hand, Stalin's dislike of parliament stemmed from what he called "indecisive politics," in which the ruling and opposition parties were constantly engaged in unconstructive discussions and no conclusions were ever reached.
There would be no problem if the ideal, rational and efficient parliament was one in which the ruling and opposition parties always cooperated to assist the emperor and quickly reach decisions on national issues - a Imperial Rule Assistance Council.
And now that they had won in Petrograd, they would be unable to criticize the Tsar.
Tsar Nicholas II's next goal was to incorporate the Duma into the Tsarist support system and reorganize Russia into a powerful centralized state.
The "monolithic democracy" that is a characteristic of Stalinism is an antithesis to so-called "indecisive politics," and I think that in itself is a fairly universal idea that can be seen in any country.
Also, Stalin himself apparently said something like, "I am more Stalin than Joseph," and I think the value of "position and social role over individual freedom" is a fairly familiar value outside of the West, where individualism is strong.
In the end, if you look closely at both Stalin and the Soviet Union, you'll find that their individual values and conclusions were not so unusual after all, but were simply the result of an accumulation of gradual extremism caused by civil wars and wars.
Conclusion: The USSR and Stalin live on in everyone's hearts (eyes rolled)