THE UKWA IBOM EFIK EBURUTU AND THE REIGN OF CHIEF ESUONG ATANG UDOH

THE UKWA IBOM EFIK EBURUTU

CHAPTER ONE

The historical origin of Ukwa Eburutu cannot be told in isolation from that of Calabar Efik clans. To do this, the over twenty centuries to be described in this volume and which have been done in some other volumes, were those in which the Iron Age cultures passed from their early and experimental phases into stage of maturity. This was characterized by long distance trade and complex penetration, wars of expansion and many tier political systems. In Egypt and North Africa, it was a period of religious, political power and cultural consolidation, while in the sub-Saharan Savannah, it was a period of penetration and power tussles. Happily enough, it is not a new venture; there have been many write-ups and historical records available, though controversial, about the origin of the Efik but with Ukwa always mentioned in passing.

In presenting this version, there is no attempt for an outright disagreement with other volumes or a good attempt to embrace every detail of all versions in existence. It is on record that series of studies have produced a composite genealogy of the 28 Efik clans with over 26 generation on each of some of these clans without total claim of superiority in the sequential numbering of clans: how many came into Ibom and how many left Ibom, nor a total agreement on the generation span, not even in comparison with their neighbors. This aspect is avoided here but concentrates on a simple story of the Erik tribe with particular emphasis on Ukwa Eburutu.

It is, therefore, interesting to give elaborate treatment of the origin and settlement of Ukwa Ibom Efik Eburutu from this background. Factually, the story of the Efik has always been told but unfortunately concentrated on the municipal Calabar Efik clans with the Efik Ibom Sburutu of Eniong, Ito and Ukwa only mentioned in passing. The Eniong, Ito and the Ukwa of the Eburutu district and who were the first three Efik clans to be on permanent settlement in this part of the country or in the Cross River state have not been given attention. The fact remains that what happened to the municipal Calabar Efik after the Great Ibom dispersion must have happened to other Efik clans that left Ibom to attract equal historical attention. The Ukwa Eburutu is here receiving its fair share. In doing this, a brief review of what has been said about the origin of the Efik would be made. Sincerely, the recognized version of this volume on the origin and migration of the Efik with particular reference to Ukwa Ibom Efik Eburutu would be given. This account would encompass when they arrived, settled at, and left Ibom at the vicinity of Arochukwu.

CHAPTER TWO

The remarkable, but purposeful movement of Israelites into and from Egypt to the Promised Land was defined but may not be very possible with the age-old controversial long distance movement of the Efik across the desert from the Orient to their occupied land. There has been almost sufficient investigation and studies into the Efik ethno history, ethnology and ethnography to remove this controversy. This to an extent is as much as it is advisable not to confuse the route of migration with origin and the fact: remains that there couldn't have been a single defined route for the whole clans of the Efik body. Equally, the long period of stopovers and the intermittent settlements in transit must have affected their original character but what was the Efik inspiration and guide in the movements give this version a different outlook.

Histories of the races have taken a long stride and so are facts made increasingly more powerful over the years. Renowned previous works had asserted that the earliest known evidence anywhere in the world for the existence of man and the emergence of human society comes from East and North-East Africa. This was from the series of discoveries that stem from Dr Louis Leakey's pioneer excavations a: Olduvai Gorge in Northern Tanzania. Later findings at Lake Rudolf in Kenya and River Omo in Ethiopia, for example, have taken the story o: human evolution in Africa even further into the past. But, we need not go any further and records have identified about seven schools of thought or the origin of the Efik. These are the Orient; Hebrew; Niger; Eburutu; Ibibio; Igbo; and the Ibibio-Eburutu Hybrids. Of course, even though these schools of thought: are not to be taken in this order of enumeration for discussion, it I-necessary to briefly discuss all the different versions of the origin of Efik.

There have been several reports about the origin of Efik but the report of the commission set up by the government of the then Eastern Region of Nigeria to investigate the Obongship dispute of Calabar Efik seems to be the comprehensive report. Though there are many other assertions of the origin of Efik, in this report, the Sole Commissioner Hart, A. K. noted at least five different accounts of the Efik origin and migrations.

In paragraph 65 of this report, the written evidence submitted to the Sole Commissioner by Etubom Ekpenyong Efiok Asama Ekpenyong Efiok Eyo Honesty the VIII is carried. It is chronicled that the Efik wandered from the Sudan into the region of modem Sekodi in Ghana (the Gold Coast). From Ghana, they migrated into the district of the Niger Delta where they settled near Burutu and acquired the sobriquet "Eburutu". Leaving Burutu, the Efik migrants split up, with some settling in Abonnema while others went to Itu-Mbonuzo and later to Ibom in Arochukwu. From Ibom, the Efik again migrated in different directions with some settling in Eniong, Itu, Mbiabo Edere and Oku-lboku near Ikoroffiong. Later, the Oku-Iboku group broke up and settled at Esuk Odu in Ibibio. There, a great misunderstanding arose between the Ibibio and the Eburutus as a result of which the Ibibio nick named them "Efik" or "Oppressors". The Efik then migrated to Ikpa Ene, an Island on the Cross River, where they left relics that are still extant. At Ikpa Ene, the story continues, the Efik were joined by their Kinsmen who had previously settled at Mbiabo Edere, and so on.

There are few questions unanswered by this version. What must have caused the movement and how did they move from Sudan to Ikpa Ene?, Also, whether they originated from Sudan is not indicated. Was the name Burutu given to the area of Niger region before the arrival of the Efik and what does the name mean to the Niger region people and the Efik in particular? This other question bothers on the name, Efik. By what name Tvere they known from Sudan? Again, this version seems to convey the impression that it was the small fraction of this race that settled at Esuk Odu riat were named Efik, but why and how could this small group was able to have caused the name to be adopted by the whole of Efik race, is not told. The Itu- Mbonuzo migrated from Ibom and must not have existed separately before the arrival of this race later known as Efik. The people must have gotten a name with which they moved with that bound them together, as such the name Efik by this version is supposed to have come with them and must have been a coincidence to mean a word in Ibibio dialect which seems to describe the character of the people as misinterpreted by the Ibibio. This was a good work, but there is the second version.

The second version of the origin and migration of Efik is found in paragraph 69 of the Hart Report and rendered by Etubom Edem Ekpenyong Efiom Edidem (Okobo-group). Here instead of being a race from Sudan who migrated into Ghana and later Niger, it rather ascribed their origin to Niger. It says that the Efik had settled at Uruan for a very long time after they had left their place of origin called "Niger", though there was no definite location. The Efik had trouble there and migrated to Arochukwu and settled at Ibom. The Aro wanted the Efik immigrants to worship their LONG JUJU called IBRITAM or CHUKWU, but the Efik refused and said that they are worshippers of Abasi Ibom. The Efik left Arochukwu and settled at Uruan, following the religious dispute at Ibom. They settled al Uruan until misunderstanding arose over a burial practice of the Efik: An Uruan man was to be buried alive along with an Efik man who died.

As in the first account, the cause of movement is not known but they simply originated from the Niger-Delta. If the misunderstanding at Uruan or Esuk Odu was over cultural pattern of burial, they must not have been "oppressors", as such, something else or nothing must have created or caused the misunderstanding that made them oppressors. Equally, it must not have been the whole of Efik that left Ibom for Uruan because the Eniong, Ito and Ukwa Efik clans had settled, and the issue of traditional norm of burial is not oppressive in nature. If the war at Ibom was Igbo against Ibibio, it was, therefore, not ideal (and they must not have advised themselves) to settle among the same people they fought war against, at least, one century ago. Of course, the Efik must have settled at Uruan before Ibom, and may not have been all the Efik that left Uruan or Niger Delta area for Ibom.

The third assertion to the origin of Efik by Etubom Edidem Ekpenyong Oku (Ambo Group). The Ambo sees the Efik as an Oriental people who came from Palestine and wandered through Ghana to Ututu, Ibom and finally settled al Uruan. At Uruan, the Efik were accused of civil disobedience and were compelled led to leave after a brief war.

Here, the Efik never passed through Niger, as the whole Efik musts have settled at Uruan, and the political intonation of Uruan is suspicious. This is not likely to be correct.

The fourth and fifth accounts of the Hart reports are almost similar to the above mentioned versions, and it is in the same pattern that Noah asserts categorically that the Efik are Ibibio. This seems to be one of such political write-ups about the origin of Efik due to the political struggles for identity and demarcation of administrative zones in the country Nigeria.

It stands to be faulted if not accepted that a probably more completely politically motivated assertion is that made by E. N. Amaku, and unfortunately is given a wider publicity in use at public schools. He asserts that by birth, the Efik are the result of the interplay of association or marriage between Atong Ama (An Ibibio Woman) and Okoroafor (An Igbo Man). In paternity, the Efik are Igbo. Again, the Efik migrated from nowhere except if it is being told of the origin of the Igbo and from where and how they migrated, and linked up with the Efik. This version presented the structural genealogy of the Efik and links it to Atong-Ama as follows: This means that AtongAma had five children namely, Ikoto (Ikonoeto), Ukpabang, Mbang, Eburutu and Ebuhu and in effect children of an Igbo man. It was then one of her children: Eburutu, who founded the Eburutu clan comprising Eniong, Ito and Ukwa and the Efik. Though there was no specification if there was a particular Efik or he meant to say Efik Eburutu of Eniong, Ito and Ukwa. However, further research findings had questioned this assertion of E.N. Amaku and the degree at which it lacks merit could not attract elaboration.

There were a lot of other assertions though similar. For example, Eyo Ita claimed that the Efik were "one of the tribes of Nubians under the Egyptian kingdom made a similar claim. But, he also recognised the presence of the Efik with the Jews and Ethiopians in transit. Whether they moved from Ethiopian region into Egypt has been questioned as well as what must have been the accepted route of migration of the Efik following that of Effiong Aye: a direct movement from the Orient across the desert to Ibom of Arochukwu.

Precisely, there was no specification, but Effiong Aye merely points to the Orient, while Talbot accepted "Bantus". The Aye's version could not provide answer to what was the Efik guide and inspiration in his accepted direct movement of the Efik across the Sahara desert to the "undulating country land of the Igbo". It could not be correct that the Itu Mbonuzo and Ututu villages in the vicinity of Arochukwu had existedbefore the arrival of the Efik. The Efik could not have entered Ibom directly from the northern side of the country and what took them to Ibom has not been answered by this version of Effiong Aye.

The research work into the origin and migration of Efik is almost concluded. This does not by any means end the studies, which continue, and more findings could be made. The version of this volume is almost conclusive as it tries to answer the age old question of appropriate route linked by guidance and inspiration from their origin and in particular, with reference to Ukwa Ibom Efik Eburutu (Ukwa).

CHAPTER THREE

The Efik, by all indications had moved from somewhere and did not just move. Relatively, what is never controversial in all the studies is the paramount identification of Ukwa Eburutu (whose people were the medicine makers for their conquistadoring Efik tribe) as one of the original Efik stock or clans. These warriors and primeval makers of war medicine must have been essential component and instrument wanted in most places of the ancient empires in Africa, and with this, the Efik moved and finally settled.

The great famine during the prehistoric period at the Orient or about Ethiopian region had generated the most known initial movement. The messianic interpretation to the cause of the famine is not interesting in this aspect than the movement it generated. This movement took the Efik into Egypt even before the religious revolution of Pharaoh Amenhotep the IV, who later became Pharaoh Akhenaton in the series of the religious revolutions of the Egyptian Empir. Some must have gone south-ward to equatorial Africa, Congo and Western Cameroun. Activities at different environments of settlements helped to change and reshape them at their different places. Language cannot escape this dimension, but one thing is paramount.

This group of medicine men could not entirely miss each other with the high mystical power in consultative medicine which they possessed and Withstood the adversities of the forests. The idea is that most of the brothers and sisters who separated because of the great famine at eastern region of Africa, about the Ethiopian area must have later found themselves and lived together. The confusion about their difference is not without the laps of time and long distance movements. It was not made clear when the Quas came to the Cross River State area of Nigeria, but they originated from Ekoi who are of the branch of the Ejagham. The Efut, originally, migrated to Calabar from the Cameron's mountainous areas after what could be on account of constant wars with the Batanga people. Factually, we do not intend to go into the already politicized history of first arrival to any particular area, and which tend to put the historical origin of the Efik at a controversial corner despite the overwhelming evidence. What is interesting is that they all likened themselves to come from the east or point at the Orient. However, before now, the Efik race which Ukwa Eburutu is among had moved into Egypt where they were very useful in the different religious wars.

The Ghana Empire, which started in the early A. D., 700, had moved the Efik to Ghana. This was about the formative periods of Western Sudan and the link on information about Egypt was feasible. The pre-trade route of the merchant traders across the Sahara desert from Morocco to Western Sudan was a good channel of information that informed the Sudanese of a powerful and mystical group of people who are good at war medicines in Egypt. Distant trekking, even with load on the head, was not a problem, even in the early Iron Age (Stride, 1971). Convincingly, after trekking on horse-backs for thousands of kilometres, the philosophy of its own possibility internally evolved and one does not doubt how they can acquire this kind of locomotive. Guided by their mystical powers, the energy and means of crossing rivers were not daringly difficult. The journey which was never done in one day was made and they later found themselves in Ghana for the interesting assignment of assisting in war. Though, as in other occasions, they must have either left behind or left with more than what they entered with into Egypt. Acceptably, there were series of wars in this part of Africa and they became very useful in these wars of revolution.

One of the wars, which could not have missed them, is the Great Benin Empire. The wars, which were not at a stretch, created reasons for settlement and this was how the Efik came to the Niger Delta area. Their primary occupations of fishing and salt-water drying were naturally provided and the place was, thus, most convenient and acceptable area for a living. Farming on the upland was done for domestic consumption. The Efik settled at Niger area for a short period of time until when later they were invited into Ibom of Aro as accepted by Talbot. The people must have again moved on invitation. The possible occurrence by consultation made to a traditional medicine man which directed people from Sudan to Egypt to fetch them to assist in the wars of revolution and the pre-trade route information that took the Efik to Sudan can be likened to the next point of movement of the then Efik into Ibom. Here, the hunting for human blood by the Aro and their search for assistance from anywhere to fight the Ibibio had moved the Igbo of Aro about, and their desire to win the war then at hand had necessitated a consultation to a native medicine man on how to go about the war. With the revelation by the medicine man, the Efik were invited into Ibom.

The land dispute between the Ibibio and the Igbo of Aro in Ibom was what originated the invitation of the Efik into Ibom. Assistance was most needed and they sought for by consultation and found the people (saviour). This resulted in the movement of the Efik from the Niger Delta area into Ibom, in the vicinity of Arochukwu. According to Stride and Ifeka, the Efik were invited by Akari under Mazi Okorafor Ototi of Aro to help liberate them from the hands of the Ibibio. Their arrival aggravated the m and gave cause to what was known by the people of Ukwa Eburutu as 'Ekong ata ndad ndad'. The Akari's invitation had given birth to the legend that the the Efik are Igbo whose parents were Okorafor and Atong Ama of the E. N. Amaku version. The Efik are not Igbo, but originated from the eastern world of the Orient. It is sound then to affirm that the befitting origin of ethnic grouping of the Efik is semi- Bantu and not just Hebrew proper. However, some writers had looked at them as the Hebrew race and caused them to be known as the Hebrew that lived at Ututu. The Hebrew of the Ututu was later adulterated to Eburutu, though the same could not be said about the name Efik which they came down with. The other original name which the Efik came down with is Ukwa which connotes war and the most powerful of the clans who led them in the wars moving with this name and retained it with honour and other notable names are, Eyo: Endurance, Nyong:Adventurist/tourist; Mbo: Assitance/helper; Esuong: Fulfilment/accomplishment; Amang: Finish; Atang (in Atang-Udoh): Gatherer/harvester; Nkpondik: Wonderful/Marvellous; Mbara: Hard- Labour (not necessarily hardship/Unana or suffer/Ufen but Okposongutom ); Esu: Fulfilling; Akak ( later Akan): Victory/overcoming; Ibe :Forsaking; Atung: Corner/resting-place, etc, and many other renowned original Efik names. The Akari invited the correct people and they were liberated. It could hardly be faulted; of the assertion by Jeffreys that Arochukwu was formerly an Ibibio territory and that the once Long Juju of Arochukwu was "formerly an Ibibio Shrine" which was located between Ibom and Amanku. After the Ibibio had been driven out of the area by the Igbo invaders, they (Ibibio) naturally retreated to other areas southward, of which Iruan was one. The war was fought and won and the Efik clans were confidently hosted by the Igbo down into a convenient settlement until otherwise.

CHAPTER FOUR

The invitation by the Igbo brought and settled the Efik tribe at Ibom but for few centuries. The Efik were in a single collection of some group among them and as nature has it, have been increasing in number and families but lived together. The contention on the original number of Efik clans or families and their actual name not even their sequential arrangement shall not be contested. In effect, what had come to be known as clans were just families that later grew into compounds and an enlarged compound by continuous multiplication with extended responsibilities. This process of family lineage expansion continued to produce villages and clans, et cetera. The rate of expansion of each family was slow due to the continual movement and the effect of the different wars they passed through.

How the Efik came in to live at Ibom of present Arochukwu is not the contention even though "Stride and Ifeka" are not claiming the superiority of the assertion that the original number of the Efik clans or families invited by Akari through Mazi Okorafor Ototi to Ibom was seven. The fact remains that, it was still the era of migration and by the end of the war and the time of the Great Ibom Dispersion when the Efik left Ibom, they must have left as a larger group of persons than they went into Ibom. However, the indication by Goldie, H. is that the Efik originally had twelve clans though some say seven. Again, the version of original seven clans is not denied as the Goldie's Dictionary of 1860 specifies that the original saying "Esen Efik Itiaba" later became "Ami Enyen Ndem Efik Enen Duopeba". The Esen or Esien or Enen Efik or clans must have multiplied fast due to the cordial atmosphere of initial settlement as hosted by the Igbo at Ibom after a happy victory in the war.

The initial seven (Itiaba) clans or families that settled at Ibom soon grew into twelve (Duopeba) smaller clans and did not stop there. Confirmingly, some writers say that the Efik were initially of twelve clans at Ibom that grew into twenty-four clans and later thirty-six, and so on. Equally, the spellings of Obotmme or Obotrne; Ewang or Egwang; Mbonuso or Itu-Mbonuzo; or Wyenkor, amongst others, are noted among the different writers on the history of Efik. The correct spelling of course is not being contested. However, the original seven clans or families of the lillk in Ibom of Arochukwu were the Abayen; Enwang; Iwere; Abatim; Ibom; Ito and Ekrikok.

The twelve (or more) Efik clans that grew from the initial seven Efik clans were not equally distributed at Ibom and were not of the same neither were they of equal potential in growth nor multiplication in population. However, it was the degree of family accord within a clan that could determine their continuous existence as a clan or break up into smaller clans. The trace of the Oron clan to the Enwang or the Efiat clan to Abatim or the Eburutu to the Iwerre and Iwerre from Ekrikok clan is still receiving attention. Invariably, the Eniong clan came from the Abatim clan but did not separate from others. The clans of Iboku, Odot, Ikoneto and Abayen came from the former Abayen clan. The clans of Obutong, Itu, Mbiabo and the Adiabo originated from Ibom clan while Ito, Ukwa, Itu-Mbonuo and Obotme originated from the Ekrikok clan. At Ibom in the vicinity of Arochukwu, the noted twelve Efik clans were; Abayen; Iboku; Odot; Ikoneto; Enwang; Eniong; Ito; Ukwa; Obutong; Mbiabo; Adiabo and Itu, except by design of names, the other Efik clans emerged from these

twelve clans but it is not too correct to say that it was only the aforementioned twelve clans that lived at and left Ibom. While other Efik clans merged in transit after Ibom, others had existed at Ibom but as indistinct family or clan from its parent clan. Frankly, the multiplication in family size and expansion that gave rise to increasing clans had continued, but there is no attempt here to specify the different generations of the Efik tribe before Ibom, at Ibom and after Ibom.

As much as happened in different other places that they had temporary settlement before their permanent settlement, harmonious relationship grew but with a difference at Ibom. It is interesting to note that for the first time the Efik moved out from a place because of trouble brought by them or on their direct challenge, than on invitation. This is true because of how and why they left Ibom which was on a friction due to differential worship than on the usual invitation to fight a war of liberation or revolution for which they are known. A lot of inter-marriages had already taken place and this adulterated the original trait of the Efik for having settled for a long time with the Igbo of Arochukwu. This effect is reflected on the similarity in their physical appearance, less in character, but more in cultural affinity and social life of the Efik and the Igbo as they mixed up with and confidently settled (and multiplied) at Ibom. Later, the Igbo of Aro became apprehensive of the imperialising attitude and expansion of the semi Bantus and thought otherwise. For reasons best known to them, the Efik believe in the power of their gods and the heavenly father which they called Abasi Ibom and must not worship anything else nor the Long Juju of their Igbo-hosts, Besides, the people of Efik had believed that the Igbo people they have liberated should believe that their own gods are more powerful and they should rather bend down for them. This was in the days when leadership was by the traditional political power a god, which was enhanced by mystical power of

deities and prowess in war.

The Efik had become conscious of planting a colony at Ibom but to the chagrin of the equally empire conscious Igbo of Aro. This was due to the belief that the Efik have a powerful god than that of the Igbo of Arochukwu and the consideration that if not for the Efik the Igbo of Arochukwu would have been pushed away from the area by the Ibibio. Therefore, the Efik became more conscious of permanent settlement with growing superiority. The cordial relationship that existed started to soar, and at the same time, the pressure of the rapidly increasing population of the Efik was on the Igbo and which was an additional strength to the empire growing desire of the Efik to establish themselves at Ibom. Conversely, for the Igbo to colonise the Efik and establish their desired own empire was to force the Efik to worship and respect their almighty powerful Long Juju, but the Efik

refused.

The situation resulted in the Great Ibom Dispersion, necessitated by the frictions between the big brothers in the worship of Ali or Ebunukpabi to themselves and the Efik must be left with their Abasi Ibom, but the desired empire must not exist. The end of the happy stay together was nothing than that and the Efik left on what came to be their final movement to their permanent abode. However, their movements out of Ibom cannot be said to have been on a single file. According to Mckenzie, the whole Efik clan did not move out at once because the inherited leadership power by the family Head of the Ekrikok clan had put the Ekrikok Eburutu families on the protection of other Efik clans from any possible attack from their Igbo brothers during this great Ibom dispersion. The Ekrikok family had proven mystical power in war and was respected as their leader. This was why the related Efik Eburutu clans to the Ekrikok family left Ibom last to ensure the safety of others.

The migration of the Efik out of Ibom of Arochukwu beyond Eburutu region of the now northern part of Odukpani was not without intermittent settlements and never in a single file. While others crossed over the river now known as Cross River, others did not, and even having settled, had reason for another movement and the intermittent settlements and movements continued. The obvious fact remains that, the failure in early collation of the pieces of the available information has made it difficult to produce a reliable genealogy of each settlements in this part of the country. The early known Historians did not foresee its essence and did not make good attempt, which possibly, would have taken care of the later damaging whipping of primordial and native sentiments of superiority in culture and seniority in arrival amongst the several communities in this part of the country. It is true that, the early writers on the history of Africa, Nigeria and Calabar in particular, did not have the concept of genealogy in focus. This is why, a consideration of the later migration of the Efik would uppear to be in a single file movement from Ibom of Arochukwu to Uruan; U> Ikot Ntung (between Eket and Oron); to Ikpa Ene; to Ndodoghi; to Ikot 1 -tonko (Greek Town); to Obutong (Old Town); to Atakpa (Duke Town); id Henshaw Town and to Prospect Beach, which is obviously false. This was not and could not have been the pattern of movement, such that, some writers almost created the impression that Obotme of the Efik stock existed before the Efik arrived Ibom, and where it is told that the Efik met the Quas fit a certain location, it almost want to create the impression that the Efik are not at another nearby location, then a derivative concept of first arrival is deduced, which is wrong.

This is to say, since it was not a single file movement, that a group migrated and met another group somewhere, within what is now known as the same region, does mean that the group existed, must not have left as snail without leaving others behind, and that at a nearby location may have his brethren already settled, and may not have reason like the other to gain the same historical popularity.

The awareness of the danger of conceptual speculative history will consolidate peaceful co-existence. The Obong/Etuboms of the Efik; the Ndidem ( Ntoes ) of the Quas and tbe Muri Munene of the Efuts, should insist on the known facts of their common heritage, the same blood origin, believing that they all point at the orient, Bantus, of the Ifa dynasty, Badondo and Batanga effect and speak Efik language as a unifying factor. The truth remains that the Efik of Oron; Eket; Itu; Calabar Town; Eniong; Ito; Ukwa; Obotme; Iwerre; Itu-Mbonuzo, etc, have a little dialectical variation in intonation but with the perculiar Eniong ( Eniong Abatim ) intonation overwhelming others and now acceptably used as the general Calabar Efik Language. Calabar is the home of the Efik speaking people (Obio Efik ) and its connotation spans beyond Calabar town ( Municipality).

The meaning of Calabar (Come And Live And Be At Rest) remains uncertain, but falls in line with Calabaros or Calabongas of names given to some tribes in the Bight of Biafra by the early Portuguese traders. It is in the same understanding that the title of the 'Obong of Calabar1 means the Obong of all the Efik speaking people, not just of the Calabar town. This reminds us of the assertion in The International Court of Justice on Land and Maritime Boundary between Cameroun and Nigeria (Cameroun Versus Nigeria : Equatorial Guinea intervening ). On page one of the 22 ( twenty two ) summary of this International Court Judgment of 10 October, 2002, it is asserted that;

"The Court observed that during the era of the Berlin conference, The European powers entered into many treaties with local rulers, and that Great Britain concluded some 350 treaties with the local Chiefs of the Niger Delta. Among these were the treaties concluded in July 1884, with the Kings and Chiefs ofOpobo and in September 1884, with the Kings and Chiefs of Calabar. The latter treaty did not specify the territory to which the British Crown was to extend ' gracious favour and protection' nor did it indicate the territories over which each of the Kings and Chiefs signatory to the Treaty exercised his powers. In the view of the Court, Great Britain had however, a clear understanding of the area ruled at different times by the kings and Chiefs of Calabar and of their standing."

This is true because the wide spread settlements of the Efik did not permit easy definition of jurisdictions, and also indicates that:

"The Court also notes that there is no reference to Old Calabar in any of the various British Order in Council of whatever date which list protectorates and protected states."

Therefore, the use of Old or New or Real Calabar is a recent adoption. The Obong of Calabar, therefore, has been a treaty King over all Efik speaking areas of Calabar town (Municipality) and of Bakassi; Akpabuyo; Odukpani; Calabar South; Biase and Akamkpa local government areas of Cross River state; of Oron, Eket; mi and Itu local government areas of Akwa Ibom state; Bende and Arochukwu local government areas of Abia state and of Afikpo region of Ebonyi state. Because so much has been written on the co-existence of the municipal Efik, the Quas and the Efuts, it is only necessary here to narrow down to the micro-ethnography of the UkwaEburutu.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE REIGN OF CHIEF ESUONG ATANG UDOH (NKPUKEBA)

Chief Esuong Atang Udoh (Nkpukeba) was the father of the genius and versatile leader HRH Chief James Esuong Atang Udoh (Nkpondik). He hailed from Obukwo-Omuno village (Obukwo Uben Ejiri, Mmejiri Urua Njiri Inwong) and married to Mbo Otommo from the family of Nyong Otommo of the same Uben-Nyong compound of Nkpukeba and to Mmam Ekpo from Ekpomma family of Uben-Ekpo compound of the sam Obukwo-Omuno village. Perhaps what could be said about Nkpukeba (an his family as well) is his rich leadership quality and versatility. Nkpukeba who got this name from his physical body building, is supposed to have been put to birth by early 1870s into the family of chief Atang-Udoh Esuong Nyong and Madam Ikwo. The description of his physical structure has it that on the left hand side of his head is a natural softly protruding bulb like structure (Nkpuk), that looks like a breast (Eba), This protruding bulb like structure, from his childhood earned him that name Nkpuk-Eba, as his father, Nkpukeba was a polygamist, a great farmer and his father was a leader in his time who was much involved in slave trade up to the late 1810s. His involvements in slavery went down ill history when it resulted in the introduction of the name Mbo into the community.

Conversely, the etymology of names in Ukwa Eburutu is not intended to be taken as a separate subject. But, the fact remains that a slave girl who later became very dear was brought down into the Ukwa Eburutu Community and retained by the father of Chief A.E. Nyong. The slave girl whose exact name could not be traced had gotten a name which became adulterated to "Mbo" and which, she was commonly addressed. Family source ascribed the meaning of "Assistance" with connotation of "temporary" not- lasting or Nkpongoyong to the name Mbo. Again, the custom of village naming has gotten this name spread over the whole Ukwil Eburutu community and beyond. The same nature of adulteration in pronunciation and the spill-over influence on contact with outside world over the years had gradually produced new names from ancient ancestral names to what we are known with today.

The possible link is that names like Otu-Ndo and Atung-Ndo became Atangudo and later Atang Udoh; Esu Ukpong-Eno and Esu- Nnungl Imo became Ekpayu and Esung; Esung soon became Esuong while OUi-Imo became Oti; Otu Ndo and Esu Ndo became Udoh; Nnung Ndo, Ndu Enyen Ukpong and Nnung Ukpong Ndo became Nyong; Iwad Esu Oku, Asubara Iwad Ndo, and Atung Esu Ndo became Asidok; Iwad became Iwat or Awat; Abasi Ibom became Bassey; Ekpe Ukpong Atai and Ekpe Olu became Egbo and Ekpo, also Akpan Nyong and Ekpe Nyong becamJ Ekpenyong; While in this later 20th century additional conversions came out as Isongi became Isoni; Udo became Udobong; Okoro became Okon and Awiri became Awury, and so on. It in fact goes along the saint connotation. Just as Aye says that Efik earned the name Iboku from the Igbo as "Ibo Okwu" or quarrelsome Igbo and because the Efik had claimed Hebrew descent, therefore, those of them who lived at Ututu were called "Hebrew Ututu" which was soon corrupted into Ebrutu or Eburutu, Hid another writer A. E Afigbo also refers to the Igbo as quarrelsome people.

However, what made the family of Nkpukeba powerful did not start with his immediate father. Rather, it is traced to the succeeding influential grand-parents of this family as its genealogy is linked to their founding legendary ancestral father of the late Obong Awiri Ndo for the whole village of Obukwo-Omuno (Obukwo Ena), and the family for ages has mainte a trend of superiority but the same could not be said about his brother's family of Chief Atang-Udoh Nyong of Uben Nyong in Obukwo-Omuno village. He was the first known rich man to bring zinc into the clan andi built the first zinc but corrugated mud-house in Ukwa Eburutu, though appears that because of the role he played in the land dispute cases between Obukwo Omuno village and the Uben Okon-Abia, his kinsmen may ha-cursed him and his family. It was interpreted to mean why despite his ear advancement no prominent person of that generation could emerge from that family. By the time the farmstead houses of Chief Atang Udoh by ti river side were roofed with zinc, too few houses could be seen with zinc Esid-Ukwa, and they all have a common ancestral father. But n requiring any further interpretation, the further analysis here is limited the legendary family of Nkpukeba with its genealogy as is product below.

Nkpukeba was recognized early in his time as a leader and being a son to a one time respected elder in the society, he was vested with what was the correct traditions and customs of the society which was a vi ingredient towards being acceptable as a spokesman for a community like Ukwa Eburutu. He grew up to become an important and influential person in his time. He was good at predictions but when he predicted the doom of the event that led to the death of the Obukwo-Omuno Great-Staff, it win rejected for he was too young to be heard. When he got his family, thd family was said to be free from the attack of demons and witch-hunting. A legendary power interpreted to be the power of a white-witch. It was under this powerfully coated protection that Nkpondik grew, enhanced by the more renowned legendary mother. The evidence of the mother in a form of a crocodile and the father in the form of a lion, offering complete protection against danger in water and on land was not doubted.

The family of Nkpukeba became exemplary because of recorded historical achievements, which are relatively rare in others. The family occupies the first cement block-zinc house but the second zinc house in the community and was built by Nkpondik in 1957. The first but mud- brick-zinc 'house was built about 1930 by his cousin-Chief Atang Udoh Nyong and who accommodated the white missionaries on first arrival in Ukwn Eburutu. Nkpondik also owned the first water engine vessel in 1949 called " Uwem-Edi-Obong" and was the first in the series of clan headship in 1967; the first chairman of the later proscribed Eburutu Local Government was Mr. Henry Nyong Esuong in 1983; renouncing the waste in women education, the family initiated the act by which husband pays a bride price to appreciate the education of his wife with the marriage of Rose Nyong to Mr Akpan Akak of Ubiabio village by 1976. The family is also noted in producing the leading academics in the Ukwa Eburutu clan. The first Nigeria Certificate in Education (NCE) was held by Edet Esuong Atang Udoh in 1977; the pioneer University graduate was Michael Nyong in 1979 in B. Sc. (Mathematics/Statistics) and who also became the first academic doctor in 1989 as a philosopher in the science of Economics, but not competing with the 1979 tutorial herbal India university graduate Professor Okon Okopedi, Dr Michael Nyong also became the first I academic Professor.

Realistically, Nkpondik was not the only child of Nkpukeba and what made Uben Nkpukeba (Uben means family) a renowned family was not, as previously mentioned, a contribution of one person. The gracious work of the two mothers cannot be forgotten. The journey made possible was the marriage of Affiong by Chief Nyong Otommo from Uben Solomon Udoh of Ubenekonabia village who gave birth to the woman Mbo Otommo later married to Chief Atang Udo for Nkpukeba, Madam Mmama Ekpo was later betrothed to him after giving birth to Esu Ekpo of Uben-Ekpo compound of Obukwo-Omuno village. It was Mbo Otommo who gave birth to Atang-Udo Esuong, Utom Esuong (Eka-Asuquo Udoh), Eka-Okon Nkvvo, Nyong Esuong and Ikwo Esuong (Eka-Elekwa). Mmama Ekpo gave birth to James Esuong (Nkpondik), Ekpo Esuong (Rev Anthony), Edet (Ekuikoro) and Adiaha Esuong (Eka-Gabriel). It was the children of Mbo that added to the extended family of the second compound of Uben-Nyong, while the first compound was of the family of Chief Atang Udoh who was a polygamous father and had married four wives which he got Mary Okpong and Affiong from Eka-Mary Okpong who was married from the family of Ibita Eso of Okube village. Adiaha Ikwo, Okon Anwan (Akon) and Friday came from Eka-Adiaha Ikwo who was married from Ubiemen village. Mbeke who was married from Ejeri family of Obukwo-Esa village did not bear a child, while Okori who was married from Okube village gave birth to a child who was also named Mbeke.

Utom Esuong, the next daughter of Mbo, later bore Lucy Esuong and got her adopted into the family from Essien-Essien family of Isakhi village while Asuquo Udoh and Arit were born into another family in Ubenyong. From the same first wife is Nyong Esuong, also a polygamist from whom Okon came from Eka-Okon Anwanang who was married from the family of Okon Ayi in Uben-Nyong 2nd compound of Obukwo-Omuno. Others like Henry (Ukandi), Michael (Etc-Inung/Okoro), Rose, Grace, Etong, Monday and Rebecca came from Madam Uto Okoro, who was married from Okon Awiri family of Uben-Ekong in Obukwo-Omuno. However, from the second wife is the further extension of the family as James Esuong (Nkpondik) who married four wives got Mercy, Prince (Igwe), Ikwo, Glory, Kokoette (James), Theresa and Alexander from Madam Lucy James who was named from the same family on adoption from Essien Essien family of Isakhi village. Madam Grace from Ozu-Item of Imo State (Later Abia State) gave birth to Blessing who was adopted into the family, Esuong (Friday Chinasa) and Maria, while Adiaha, Grace and Nkereuwem came from the third wife called Madam Eno who was married from Uben-Eki of Okpo village. The fourth wife called Madam Helen, married from Mbiwa village and she gave birth to Joseph, etc. Nevertheless, the next extensions of the family are those of Oboo Ekpo (Rev Anthony) and Edet Esuong (Eku-Ikoro). If comprehended, this family set up is a typical feature of family extension in Ukwa Eburutu, which goes to show that everyone in the clan is a relation of one another. Frankly, this is the very family from which Nkpondik grew.

CHAPTER SIX

The biography of Chief James Esuong Atang Udoh (Nkpondik) is illuminating and portrays him as a progressive person, a symbol of unity, versatile leader and relatively very successful man within his short period of sojourn on earth. He was born on March 12th, 1920inObukwo-Omunt village of Eburutu and into the devoted Christian home of Nkpukeba and Mmama-Ekpo as the third male child of this polygamous family. His earl; childhood was not most exemplary, which like others was spent on petty fishing and faming. Some of his age-mates and immediate elders like Ibiti Udoh, Esu Ekanem, Solomon Udoh and Akpan Akpan admitted his edge over others even as a child. The extent of his success was interpreted to mean natural gift promoted by extra physical effort, but was much noted t be money conscious. According to Ibita Udoh, the best means to have nil go on errand is to promise him a monetary reward.

Nkpondik naturally grew fast and tall which afforded him the ability to pass the primary school interview of hand across your head to touch the opposite ear, before one was admitted into school. Thus, he started primary school or infantry one at his very tender age, which was uncommon during his time. He progressed fast through the different steps as he was brilliant in class and lucky enough, the family's general interest in him saved him from the interruption of staying away from school consequent upon the untold hardship brought about by the Obukwo- Omuno versus Ubenekonabia land dispute. The degree of this case was measured by hoi the community-fee for the up-keep of the only primary school in the clan was not forth coming, while lawyers smiled home and parents withdrew their wards from school for inability to pay school fees. The land dispute had degenerated to involve other villages in the clan as sympathizers took side. However, the family of Nkpukeba gathered and resolved to sent Nkpondik to school outside the clan. This was how he came about completing his primary school education at Ohafia now in Abia state where he had lived with Eku-Ikoro. The decision also provided for his two senior brothers; Atang Udoh and Nyong, who were given money by their father tc go into trading business. Thus, Nkpondik continued his education; Atang Udoh went into cloth business while Nyong got into palm kernel and oil trading business.

History has it that the government Standard Six Certificates (SSC), was a respectable qualification in the 1940s. But rather than go for the neat neck tie going office job, he accepted a high energy labour job which was that of buying and selling of palm oil and palm kernel. On completion of his primary education he went into this business and made it surprisingly fast. The elder brother Nyong, who took to the palm kernel trading business, was still operating at Ukwa Eburutu with the younger brother Ekpo assisting him while the eldest son Attang-Udoh who took to cloth trading was now operating at Itu. Nkpondik joined his elder brother at Itu and got employed by Chief Nkobi who was operating on palm kernel and oil business and served under Effiong Ifiok. His level of performance and tested business acumen was described by his master as beyond his understanding or to him "Odiegwu". In a business battle, another Igbo-man heard about him and the tremendous fortune he brought to his master and decided to buy him over. That was how he left Itu for Ikot Ekpene with Igwe Kalu in the same business of buying and selling of Palm oil and Kernel. Just as in Itu, while he was serving his master at Ikot Ekpene he kept an eye on his personal business of producing and marketing of bread. He established himself at Ikot Ekpene and as early as 1954, he had initiated the bread baking business while still serving under his master Igwe Kalu. He later , gave up the bread baking business and entered into produce business of I palm oil and kernel business of his masters. Igwe Kalu helped him to secure the business license and by 1965 had built and completed the compound at I number 14 Dibue Road, Ikot Ekpene that housed the business warehouse. He however remained in this business till when he joined his ancestors in the world beyond in 1 978.

When he was at Itu, he went into the engine-boat shipping business, which was Igbo dominated business and helped create a new impression that others can equally do it. He bought and operated a comparatively big engine-boat named "Uwem-Edi-obong" in 1949. The junior or younger brother Ekpo was brought down from Ukwa to head the crew of the boat but every revenue collected was accountable to their elder brother at Itu. Notably, this was the remarkable beginning of Nkpondik as the pillar of family unity. The issue of the bread baking business necessitated the collection or accompaniment of his first wife-Mbo Esuong (Lucy) from the village to join him at Ikot Ekpene about 1955.

The need for additional hand in the bread business resulted in the marring of the second wife - Grace (from Item of Bendel Province now Abia State) later in the year. The business yielded a lot but the brain and ear sickness which the younger brother Ekpo (Anthony) had developed gulped out a good deal of the money. He was treated at the healing home of Nkoyo Edciu at Aka-Ufuot in Uyo and was later sent to Lagos when he recovered. I It-later went into stockfish business at Lagos since the boat had sunk into Ilu Ifiayong River and got damaged, and of course, the poor management of the boat did not encourage repairs. Unfortunately, Ekpo did not last long in Lagos before he was returned to the healing home at Uyo, again for year's o I treatment on the same sickness. The process resulted into Ekpo becoming n spiritual leader and founder of the Holy Face Catholic Church in Ukwii Eburutu, which started off in the family house as a temporary site in 1959.

The bread baking business, which he started at number one Adadiaha Road, Ikot Ekpene from what he earned while serving Igwe Kalu had afforded him another record despite the expenses he incurred in the ear sickness of his younger brother. This was the building of the first cement block-zinc -house in Ukwa Eburutu in 1957 and which was launched on December 27th, 1958, the politics of priority consideration of building a house first in one's village and that of completing old house plot of land (Akani Mbod- Ufok) before acquiring a new plot for building was still on high regard. Their father Nkpukcba had gotten his two old plots of land shared between the two most senior of the two wives. Nkpondik then built what later became and to be used as the family house while Atang-Udoh who started the other part of the building died before completion of what would have been the complete phase of the family building. The compound for his younger brother the Spiritual leader, Rev. Anthony Ekpo Esuong and which housed the Church premises was built for him by Nkpondik in 1963 and was launched on Saturday, December 26th 1964. A wife was also married for him to enable him start off his life: a more revealing posture of Nkpondik as the pillar of the family unity. He, however, had built the Ilu compound between 1961 and 1964 and the compound at Ikot Ekpene in 1965. In the defense of his status, the home coming and the launching of Chief James house in 1958 resulted in the marriage of the third wife: Eno in 1959, after all, this was the era when a man's wealth was measured by the size of his family.

The first Republic of the early 1960s in Nigeria political history featured people like Nkpondik at the grass-roots. The favourable political base he got gave him no problem in beating to victory his opponent, Mr. Esu Ekanem of Mbiwa village in the councillorship election into the Arochukwu county council in 1965 to represent Ukwa Eburutu in Eniong district. The father was a dynamic and appreciable leader of the clan with good family background, unchallenging acceptability and relatively highly progressive with its wide family net-work connection from Obukwo Ena, mme uhen-ejiri, mme ejiti urua njiri iwong; and he himself has already made remarkable achievement in wealth and his responsible nature depicted in him a sound leadership ability. This is true because, in a game of politics of number, he came from a village highly influential in number by population, wealthy and with a wider net-work link of kinsfolk. Despite these advantages, Nkpondik as a councillor got on leadership by example and this favoured him into the clan-headship of the former Ukwa Ibom clan in 1967 vise: MHS/C/0106 of section 3 of Eastern Region Law No. 9 of 1960 (as amended 1967) and got it confirmed by 1973 due to series of interventions and break-ups in administrative machinery caused by the 1967 to 1970 period of the Nigeria/Biafra civil war.

He successfully saw the clan safely through the tempting Civil War period and consistently maintained a united Ukwa-Eburutu. His friendly disposition endeared him to his kinsmen and his diligent approach to issues enriched his person. He rode first in his clan on a motor-cycle in 1961 and had bought his two vehicles a private Peugeot Car with registration number 504 CR 144H and a Pick-up Van with number plate CR 1145 H called "Uwem Edi Obong" on the same day in February 1976 and by May of 1976, he was appointed one of the twelve-man governing board members of the Nigeria Coca Research Institute Ibadan and as a deputy-chairman of the board representing Eastern Nigeria. This was one appointment which baffled him, who is of the Palm oil and Kernel produce business, on the criteria that was used for his choice to the Cocoa sector or which himself could not explain why he was chosen. The size of his family was further widened by the marriage of the fourth wife - Helen in 1976 from Mbiwa village, and the acquisition of Ifuho-Aba road land for additional family accommodation. Unfortunately, he could not live to see her through nor welcomed from the national youth service, the younger brother Edet Esuong whom he sponsored in the college of education and who turned out to be the first NCE holder and one of the pioneer academicians in the clan. He gave up the ghost on 22nd June, 1978, at his youthful age and the younger brother Edet took over the family from Nkpondik. However, the election into the council of the Eniong representative in Arochukwu County Council had brought Nkpondik into complete commitment with his people of Ukwa Eburutu, necessitating the next section.

CHAPTER SEVEN

Nkpondik was in the palm oil and kernel trading business at Ikot Ekpene when he became a councilor and this single appointment brought him back home to his kinsmen. The possession of a Suzuki motorcycle with number plate ET 481 made it easy for him to operate from Ikot Ekpene (but more at home in Ukwa) as he did not have to give up his business for councillorship, and with his ability to speak Igbo language, having married an Igbo woman, the accessibility of their Igbo neighbours was not a big problem. In accordance with the law No. 9 of Eastern Region Law of Nigeria (E. R. L.) 1960, Ukwa Ibom Eburutu in Eniong district of the 1960s was in Arochukwu administrative council, Though their neighbouring Igbo people at this time were still unfriendly in neighbourhood, antagonistic in assistance for progress and at knocked-ahead over usage of their road and in perpetual disagreement over land matters with the Ukwakas. Government presence was near zero and nothing could be attracted to the people of Ukwa because of hostility from (ho Igbo dominated government; the only primary school in Ukwa was controlled by the Igbo, not just because Eburutu in Eniong district of the 1960s was in Arochukwu administrative council, but it was a common feature and the same complaint of humiliation on every neighbouring Efik Clan/community to Igbo land by the Igbo dominated government. Even the primary school admission was manipulated by the foreign Igbo teachers, again, the Mbiabong-Ukwa tension for separate recognition was high but must not be allowed to erupt, and as a necessity, the clan needed a leader who can easily penetrate and challenge the Igbos on their land matters, because the constant land disputes with their Igbo neighbours did not allow them a breathing space. These problems were known to him and here must his focused mind and energy be directed. Increasingly, his shoes became expanded. He was immediately elevated and made the "Obong" of his people but he adopted the title of "Chief as he found himself a captain of traditional demands. The popular picture of traditional rulers as elite class of people who are the custodians of his people tradition and culture, the maintenance of peace and order and the interpretation and enforcement of established government laws and orders as concerned their communities, and who must uphold morality, were all known to him and must be substantiated. These he vowed to up- hold but the custodian of culture has to do with knowing the correct cultural norms of his people at the face of profound cultural adulteration, and which he must know, be familiar with ensure its protection and preservation.

This situation of cultural adulteration and his desire to live up to expectation as a traditional ruler compelled him to start to document historical facts about Efik Eburutu. The first set of missionaries who came to Ukwa Eburutu about the 1840s had done a good oral collection of facts about the existence of Ukwa and his grand-father Chief Atang- Udoh Nyong did not throw away drafts left behind by the missionaries when they left. Even when they came back the second time about 1920, his family also hosted the missionaries through his cousin Chief Atang- Udoh Nyong who built the first zinc mud house in Ukwa Eburutu. Again, the impression created in him while he was living with the Igbos at Ohafia and his interest in education had caused him to seriously examine the drafts on the "History of Uqua" left behind by Mr. Mckenzie who was one of the first missionaries to arrive Ukwa Eburutu. As a very purposeful man, he delved into fact-findings and collection of more oral stories.

Chief James happened to rule Ukwa Eburutu during its critical stage of historical development. His previous collation and narration on the history of Ukwa became very useful to him as he conveniently presided over skeletal team of men for further research works into the culture and existence of Ukwa Eburutu. Many write-ups in the form of petitions and memoranda were produced and presented to the numerous panels on land disputes and boundary adjustment committees Ukwa Eburutu ever had, including the Irikefe Commission of Inquiry on the origin of Uqua in the 1960s, the disputed national census issue of November, 1973 and the Nassir Boundary Commission of April, 1976. There was a "Memorandum to the Commission of Inquiry on the Customs and Usages of Ukwa Ibom community" of North Western Calabar, Calabar Division of the 1970 and the "Memorandum on Uqua Origin and History" of 1973, and so on. All these put together helped to stop further. adulteration of Ukwa Eburutu culture and history and specified the original link of Ukwa Eburutu community with the other Efik clans. Bui these drafts and pieces of write-ups were to be assembled with further research work into an authoritative textbook though he died on 22nd June 1978 and could not live to realise his dream. His colleagues admitted and admired his pedigree, but who has no private philosophy of self-reliance and unyielding internal sufficiency, always insisting in inclusiveness, of course, he had satisfied his people coupled with his admired personal sacrifice in serving his people with fantastic manipulation of situations without fear that earned him the name Odiegwu or Nkpondik (Wonderful or Something-to-fear), because of the surprising machiavellian circumstances surrounding his life. For example when Ukwakas were afraid of the Igbos, he lived with the Igbo of their fear: Ohafia, even at that time when the Ukwa and Abia Ohafia conflict was on, and even went ahead and married an Igbo woman, when marriage outside the community was unacceptable and not the less an Igbo; His relatively outstanding and surprising performance in business was "Odiegwu" and working with Igbo men, in deviant that association with the Igbo was almost a taboo, yet he associated with the Igbo people; his manner of doing things and even talking has the connotation of surprise; his style of leadership and how he piloted the affairs and activities of Ukwa Eburutu added colour. Such that the name Nkpondik or Odiegwu in Igbo which he was fondly called by his close associates and age-mates was fancied by others and it soon became his popular name.

On July 6th,1967 and as was commanded by General Yakubu Gowon, the first formal shot was fired into the civil war, after the bearded military governor of Eastern Region of Nigeria Lt. Col. Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu had claimed for his region self-determination in a separate state of Biafra. He had no other option, and with the backing of the Eastern House Constituent Assembly, to protest the humiliatory Moslem north led political leadership with the insinuation of no other group is capable; the incessant mass slaughter of Igbo families in the north, exacerbated by dogmatic religious belief which blinded the understanding of the concept of confederation that even the January 1967 Aburi Accord could not be implemented. By 1968, the war pressed hard and forced Nkpondik to pack his family from Ikot Ekpene to his clan surrounded with native made chain, and he was welcomed into his abode where no war implement is effective. The naturally born warriors Ukwakas are descendants of the old esoteric war-lords of ancient enen Ukwa of the Efik race. That perhaps earned them the reputation and respect that they are people nearly drunk with esoteric prowess, not merely as a way of life, but as a tradition. Therefore, the news of the Nigerian Biafran war was heartily welcomed despite their Igbo neighbours devastating land disputes with them. However, the home­coming brought him into more complete commitments in the leadership of the clan, and joined him with eminent voices in the clan like Chief Oti Obukpo of Obiom village, Chief Awat Udoh of Ewen, Chief Esedue Esedue, Isoni Isoni, Udo Odu and many others in his company.

The Biafran Army must be fed but resources from the federal government cannot sustain them and this problem gradually deteriorated and soon become worse. All the villages in Biafra that were not directly in the war-front were made to contribute to feed the federal force and any community that could not meet this condition was in trouble. Ukwa Eburutu was out stretched with the demand for the supply of food like garri and fish as Biafra was increasingly loosing villages to Nigeria. Ukwa Eburutu soon became the garri factory of Biafra and the only hope of survival of the Biafran government. The pressure was high but God made it that the soil yielded fast and the water produced fish in abundance. The increasing pressure later provoked anger and many people from Ukwa Eburutu saw no sufficient reasons they must continue to be subjected to such hardship in the name of helping Biafra. They found fault with the leadership, only to realize later that even the standing order on the community for contribution of men for recruitment into the Biafran army was equally relaxed and pressure was soon mounted by the Igbo on both sides. The recruitment rate was being stepped up and the required proportion for food contribution must be met but the people resisted.

The versatile leader with sound leadership disposition, who could speak Igbo as well as his very mother tongue, was equal to the task of leading the Efik speaking Ukwa Eburutu through in the Kingdom of the dominant Igbo speaking government. Many incidents can attest to this fact. On May 12th, 1969, every mature man in Ukwa Eburutu was tricked into an enclosure at the premises of the Presbyterian School and all their war implements collected from them, but the intended killing of all of them did not succeed by the able intervention of Nkpondik. On a trip'to show gratitude of appreciation and recognition to the people of Ukwa Eburutu in their effort to sustain the Biafran Government, on 30th May, 1969, the Biafran Leader Ojukwu and his team arrived Ukwa Eburutu on a one day brief visit but highly confidential. The single honour to host a Head of State spurred the people to accept in totality further reasons why they should continue to assist Biafra and sec to the success of the war for the survival of the Republic of Biafra. But this plan was soon relaxed because their effort was not appreciated as it did not stop further attack on them by their neighbouring Igbo brothers with the assistance of the Igbo extraction of the

Biafran Army.

The attacks became necessary because the Biafran Igbos were in a hurry to impose their language on all non-speaking Igbo people. Speaking .Igbo in Biafra was a national project as was declared by the minister of information, but who did not outlined the procedure. Unfortunately, that pronouncement was to be implemented by killing all male adults of non-speaking Igbo language communities, but little was thought of on how powerful and fast this policy could bring Biafra to an end. Information had already filtered in on how Ikun Village was wiped off, and the same good attempt on Biakpan village, which compelled Ukwa to be on the alert. The Biafran army residing within the Igbo communities were always willing to go with them because it is a national project, but because of this, most non-Igbo speaking communities have already been angered to fight against Biafra from within.

Between 2nd and 29th June 1969, the neighbouring Igbo, often in escort of disguised Biafran Army of Igbo extraction, have undertaken several attempts of intended bloody raid of Ukwa Eburutu. In the evening of Sunday June 29, 1969, three Lorries conveyed over hundred Igbo-invaders into Ukwa Eburutu in one of their determined raids. HRH Chief James (Nkpondik), the repository of information in this volume and who told the story himself, narrated how he was on the inspection duty of check­points in the clan when the lorries arrived at the outskirt of Isakhi village. He was at the check point on the road leading from Ukwa Eburutu to Okpo-Ihe when the murderers arrived. There was confusion. The trained check point Guards soon vanished into the bush but the Chief Nkpondik could not, though he immediately turned into an Igbo man as he threw off his shirt and wrapper and joined the raiders to organize themselves for the determined successful raid. He equally followed suit and painted himself with the provided water native white chalk like the fellow Igbo raiders. Possibly for similar identification and took position ready for action like others but made it with a difference, by rather taking a position for escape, to inform others before the invaders would advanced into the main village. The news leaked, the home base of Esit-Ukwa resident armies were immediately intimated if not threatened to ensure safety, and again, the raid was abortive.

By July 6th, 1969, another abortive massacre happened. The surprise but humiliatary operation which started about midnight brought into every village square, on the command of the invading team of the neighboring Igbo with their soldiers, all the inhabitants of Ukwa Eburutu for an intended murder and looting of households' property. Eyes turned red, noses bled with water but eyes did best, with rather sealed lips as none of the soldiers on guard will tolerate a noise. HRH Chief James, however, in his usual way was very much himself, available and ready for action. He led a team of others in his wisdom into action of consultation with the team leaders of the invaders. His sight was a sign of relief to all as he moved from one village to the other and by noon of the next day, again, the plan failed. Departed souls returned to their flesh, life emerged and people returned to their houses in peace but with fear as to how long the peace would last. Many other non-speaking Igbo communities suffered the same fate which compelled the intensification of the fight from within for the fall of Biafra, and within a short while, the almost consolidated Republic of Biafra was brought to a defeated end.

By August, 1969, the population in Ukwa Eburutu had quadrupled; kwa Eburutu became the citadel and refuge center (or the last resort) for the millions of Biafran refugees. Millions of civilians of grandparents, [others (young and old and many under pregnancy), fathers, children, and fleeing soldiers alike, flooded the Ukwa community. Fleeing from the chaos and conflict war areas, they travelled by foot, even barefoot, and having walked so long had their soles blistered and become hungry and despair in confusion and desperation. The surrounding bushes and forests were hastily turned to confident tent homes of resident with small huts and kiosks by refugees, in deplorable epidemic-ridden graveyards of environment, giving rise to pathological and psychological traumas of violence, extortion, physical and sexual abuse. The social havocs associated with this sort of environment were inevitable and a common one, which was stealing, soon brought in or revived the corresponding but forgotten cultural pattern or method of treating thieves. The situation was that, where you are declared a thief by the traditional court of elders of the community, then the old tradition of the community is invoked. In it, the thief has to suffer from being tied with a strong rope or thread called twine, and be painted black with locally made paint from fire wood charcoal, and is beaten along as the thief is made to dance around the villages with song by him and promoted by those following him as they beat him along, The judgment was passed on both thieves who were indigenes and on thieves who were strangers in the community or refugees. It was accepted as hash and serious enough to reduce the rate of stealing but there has been no good explanation as to why this practice was ignored after the war period of the early 1870s.

Ukwa Eburutu was believed to be naturally fortified, and gun cannot fire nor shoot to kill any person in any part within the villages of the clan and every war implement is powerless even air raid. It is true that the war airships and jets with their devastating bombs could not exert any damage in Ukwa Eburutu during the Nigeria Biafra Civil war. This assertion was confirmed as after the war some prominent Nigeria war leaders sought to know the place and people of Ukwa Eburutu. People were secured and for about nine months, Biafran armies relaxed in confidence in Ukwa Eburutu while Nigerian soldiers at a good distance and on the other side of the river pressed on in their defense to keep Nigeria one, but none could break into ' Ukwa Eburutu territory. However, between 4th and 7th January, 1970, series of meetings were held between the Ukwa Eburutu chiefs and the Superior Biafran military leaders for a peaceful surrender. On Friday, January 8th 1970, Ukwa Eburutu chiefs nominated people into two teams for water and land routes to help escort Nigerian armies into Ukwa Eburutu. The villagers and the refugees were advised to spend the few days in their hide-outs in the forests pending this planned entry of the Nigerian federal troops. This was done, while the Biafra armies were advised to change into mufti and hide all their war implements and weaponry, and these they did. About noon of Sunday llth, January, 1970, the expected salvage visitors had entered and people hailed "One Nigeria" with leaves in their hands waving into the air as they returned to their villages from the forests. This brought the thirty months war to an end, with the formal declaration of surrender on 15" January, 1970, by General Phillip Effiong, but a lot more historical events accounted for in the biography of Nkpondik were to happen.

The cool harmattan wind of early January blew wind of relief and survival, but with mixed feelings in Ukwa Eburutu. Young girls took their turn of forest hide-out from their boys' counterpart. The boys did the dramatic seek and hide exercise with the Biafran army recruitment teams. They ran into the forest for hiding when the recruitment team arrived for recruitment and came out when they have left the community while on the other hand we later have Nigerian armies who rather went all out to hunt for lovers. The fear of the expected hash love making of soldiers put the girls on the run in to hiding in the forests. However, while we have re-unions of many families as different people now emerged from their hidings with the news of the end of the war, some families saw no peace; the Chief James family was one and himself in particular.

The doom that befell Nkpondik and his family was his insistence to defend the peaceful existence of his community. This next problem started when the Nigerian soldiers of Igbo extraction camping with the neighbouring Igbo communities and who soon found favour with their hosts and the latter had to use the former for a desired invasion and oppressive exercises against the people of Ukwa Eburutu. The vexed situation was that, because of the previous inhuman treatment the Ukwakas received from their Igbo neighours favoured Biafran army, they became more brutal and refused further entry of the Igbo into their land. The best decision the Igbo took then was to use their resident Nigerian army to sei/e all Ukwa Eburutu land documents, but that could not be the end of the matter. The feat of Chief Ekpe Ayara at retrieving most of the documents must be applauded in substantiation.

Nkpondik was more appreciated and admired by his kinsmen for having surrendered his life if only their land documents are secured and protected from the invaders, several rounds of humiliations, beatings and subjection to deadly torture at gun points with hands tied behind his back went for days. But this rifle butt and bayonet beating was not sufficient to neither force Nkpondik to point at the ceiling-board of his bedroom nor accept the availability of any land documents with him, even though other chiefs pointed at him as the custodian. The situation being that, during previous encounters and consultations, their Igbo chiefs had made contradictory testimonies and traditional testifications, even with tendered evidence and claims that pointed at Ukwa Eburutu as owners of the pieces of plots of the disputed lands. The concerned Igbo were bent at retrieving these documents and other vital documents as related to the rightful ownership of the lands. Several chiefs of Ukwa Eburutu were interrogated but with fear pointed at their clan-head and were exonerated from further interrogation and beatings, and these beatings and torture which all of the present generation witnessed went on for days. The beatings went on and instilled fear in the minds of other chiefs who turn round and pleaded with him to release the documents and save his life, but he refused.

For security reason, he refused any other person even from Ukwa Eburutu the knowledge of where the documents could be found. He merely put it down in writing and in typical Ukwa Eburutu dialect, on a piece of paper and dropped it under his pillow. To him, this will make no meaning to the Igbo who are searching his house for the land documents, but would serve a good purpose for the Ukwakas who would be searching for the documents when his life is taken away by the armies/soldiers, rather, he survived, but the land disputes continued.

Several commissions of inquiry had collected pieces of information and facts to ascertain who the Ukwa Eburutu are and where they belong. The Trikefe Commission of Inquiry, amongst others did a marvellous work, but none could save the people of Ukwa Eburutu from the embarrassment of the Igbo manipulated Nigerian National Census of November, 1973: Ukwa Eburutu head count was to be made under the Arochukwu division, instead of North-western Calabar division, both in the East Central state of Nigeria twelve state structure. Nkpondik, again, defended his name with an excellent expertise of leadership ability.

Before the census date, the community was taken over by Igbo favoured armed policemen. The threat to count the Ukwakas was unanimously resisted, as they stood by their Clan-head with hope and confidence that the inhuman act by the Igbo must be abortive, and so it was. A second government circular soon came from Lagos indicating Ukwa as one of the disputed villages not yet demarcated, and is to be counted by the federal troops and for the federal government. This the Ukwakas accepted to the disappointment of their Igbo neighbours.

The North-western Calabar county council headquarters was at Atan-Onoyom and on the appointed date and hour, Nkpondik was already waiting for the federal troop representatives from Lagos to arrive Atan-Onoyom for onward movement to Ukwa "Eburutu. Though they planned to arrive by road, they arrived by air in an helicopter at Atan-Onoyom before they flew to Ukwa Eburutu. Since his motor-cycle could not be carried in the helicopter nor must it be left behind, he, therefore, had to go by road to Ukwa Eburutu, but assured the top policemen from Lagos to fly over to Ukwa Eburutu and that he would catch up with them there. Helicopter was landing at Ukwa Eburutu for the second time after that of the 19 60. The land road to Ukwa Eburutu was always blocked by the Igbo and murder was the act of punishment meted to those who disobeyed but Nkpondik never stopped from using this road. He must ride to Ukwa Eburatu but how did he fly to this place. Nkpondik shocked again. He surprised the federal troop by arriving the village at the same time with them. He rode from Atan-Onoyom through the Ito communities to Arochukwu, Ututu, Achara, through Okpo-Ihe to Ukwa Eburutu, which was triple the distance by air. The federal government decision was formally handed down with the required census documents and materials. Ukwa Eburutu was counted and for the federal government.

The boundary demarcation re-echoed and the Nassir Boundary Commission of 1976 featured the venturesomeness and intelligence of Nkpondik as a worthy leader to reckon with. Nkpondik took his turn of defence of the boundary land-mass of Ukwa Eburutu with the renowned intelligent and prolific speaker:

Etubom Ukorebi U. Asuquo by his side. This was at Biakpun town on 17th April 1976, and the most cherished and happy faces worn by Ukwakas in Biakpan town that day was a sign of satisfaction. Their continuous hailing of Nkpondik who presented Ukwa in a vividly hysteric firmness to the admiration of all amidst thunderous ovation and applause that enveloped the entire Biakpan community, underscored another mark o I" his brilliant but surprise pragmatic leadership ability.

The respect and appreciation of his excellent quality was again displayed in the launching of the Ukwa Eburutu community secondary school project in 1977. This was evidenced by the ever remembered festive, colourful and fantastic escort accorded him; to and fro the launching ground in his vehicle dressed with traditional Ulcara clothes in traditional nsibidi style. The occasion, which almost became Obukwo-Omuno day, was characterized by exhibition of expertise in riding by the team of the motor­cyclists in escort. But, he did not live to see the secondary school of his dream as he gave up the ghost on 22nd June 1978. Unfortunately, despite the release of Degree 23 of 1985 Federal Government Official Gazette on Boundary Adjustment that put the boundary at 1.5 kilometres from Okpo Ihechiowa along Okpo Ukwa Nkasi road, the dispute is not over. Nevertheless, he satisfied his kinsmen to his best within the short warring interval. Government presence was encouragingly attracted and the people cherished the establishment of the Health center, the schools, market structures, the recognition of the chiefs of Ukwa Eburutu and the traditional rulers, as well as the law court, but most admired were his altitudinal change in leadership with self sacrifice and the preservation of the unity of Ukwa Eburutu, making more meanings in the now celebrated Ukwa Eburutu Festival of Victory. Here the touching but one very important lesson in all is that the center figure HRH Nkpondik, despite all his sacrifices for Ukwtu does not own a single landed property in Ukwa. The only portion of land he procured from the Ubenekonabia village was taken back with impunity after his dead. That is Ukwa for you.

Etubom Ukorebi Ukorebi Asuquo was a renowned academic staff of the Calabar Polythenic, Cross River state and is an Ikonoeto born Efik man who even had an eye on the throne of Obongship of Calabar, but he is seen more as an Ukwa man. He made, people see Ukwa as having prominent I earned persons and made himself available, to Ukwa in every land dispute. He was always there in interpretation and drafting of documents, attended meetings and confronted panels of inquiry as an Ukwa man. He did not forget that even at lbom of Arochukwu, the clans of Abayen and Enwang were very close to the clan of Ekrikok and at the great Ibom dispersion, some of his brethren of Ikonoeto differentiated and moved along with others and settled as one of the original villages that made up original Ukwa as Ubiemen. Despite this closeness, it is rather unfortunate, that while Ofri-Ukwa accepted him as one of them and would tell him every secret about Ukwa, they did not accept his request to he initiated into Ukwa Eburutu Ekpe society.

CHAPTER EIGHT

It is Ukwa Day because we can live beyond the past for our mind', are simply on course. Searching through history unto the moment of war dances of Ukwa-war dance, unto the dreaded Ikwa with resistance as tin; hard part of a tree trunk Ukwaa, and stumbling but always dodging as Nkwaek, and growing into a visionary Ukwa, we see our past. Which are the people with a connotation of war but with seasonal vision. A community no enemy war implements can hurt. No bullet could harm any person on its soil, etc. From ages this belief has been put to test, at least several wars were fought and the recent Nigeria/Biafra Civil war period gave the present age its version of test.

But on 12th April 1993, a remarkable historical incident happened The Igbo of Okpo-Ihe and their friends struck again in their insisted attempt to destroy Ukwa to justify their impolitic claim of having boundary up to the cross-river water bank. Though at the end of this invasion, the unheard of happened, and for the first time an Ukwa man Elder Ayaya Umoh of Obiom village was shot dead, in Ukwa village, in an ambush by his house as he was stepping out from his house for early morning 0500hrs (5a.m) church service at the Mount Zion Light House Full Gospel Church of Obiom village.

This incident becomes celebrated as Ukwa Day, which activities spanned over days, not just a festival of victory because the plot failed to u devastating loss by the invaders but a reflection on Ukwandisi and Oyobob-Efri-Ukwa. A somewhat sympathetic situation, but compelling a moment of a rethink, and which is a rethink beyond war of shading blood but love, friendship to structural development. It is time to believe it will be-untoward to dwell on the wounds of the past, and unfair to heap all our blames on our neighbours. There is nothing wrong in remembering, but trouble starts when memory fires the embers of hatred of the other.

In the glow of the lamplight on my desk, T gazed upon the wondrous mind of our times, and ignores the pictures of war, deprivation and hunger. A struggle not to accept shifting blames. A mind renewing revolution which absolves the glaring deprivation by the Igbo but questions how far have we gone since they left the opportunities for solution in our hands. Compelling a rethink not to fight back or humiliate the invaders, but to win their friendship and understanding. A rethink to deviate from inherited life style of war to go with the faith that non-violence and its power can transform dark yesterday into bright tomorrow: The new dawn.

Ukwa day celebrated festival of victory is a cultural carnival train into Ukwa forest potential orchard farms and fruit-juice making factory; into Ukwa. lake of international fishing pond with hotels on the two Islands (ishio) of Okpo Ntiatiad and Otu Nkpani and the harvest of its abundant forest and mineral resources; into harvest of roads from every angle with the expansion of the only road from Okpo-lhc to creating more roads from Abia Ohafia, Biakpan, Ututu, Ito and from Ikot-Ana; a carnival train into a consolidated traditional institution of a normal Ukwa, the normalcy of true peace, justice and progress. Here we celebrate highly committed to stop shifting blames. For how long shall we blame our past and allow prejudice to blind the visions of men, darken their understanding and drive bright-eyed wisdom from the sacred throne of opportunities. It is time the wounded justice, lying prostrate in our villages and hamlets be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme amongst nations. The new dawn of Ukwa is here, let's build it together.

CHAPTER NINE

Herbal-professor Okon Okopedi (FNAMH; MDH INDIA, AFHOM) is a "Professor of Herbs" a traditional healer and community leader. He was born into the royal family of Chief Udo Okubc of Okube village in Ukwa Eburutu of Odukpani local government area of Cross Ri vcr state in 1944. His real name is Okon Udo "Okopedi". Okopedi (attraction by deed) which he is popularly known is derived from his business name "Okopedi Enterprises". He is a Naturopathic and Metaphysic Physician (Natural Healer), as nature will have it of course, though his ambition in life had been to become either a Doctor or a Lawyer and the possibility was there as he always took 2nd or 3rd position in all his examinations during his primary school days. He was fondly called "WITCH DOCTOR" mid "POCKET LAWYER" by Ms school mates and class teachers because of his extra-ordinary life style in school. His father married his mother Mrs Mbo Udo from the family of Uben Udo Ayara in Ewcn village of LIkwu Eburutu.

He completed his primary school education at Presbyterian school, Ukwa Eburutu in 1957. By December 18th, 1957, he left home to meet his elderly brother Native Dr Edim U. Udo at Port Harcourt to look for a job. In 1958, his elderly brother Native Dr Edim U. Udo rather sent him to learn.

In 1959 he joined Godwill printing press in Port Harcourt as an apprentice printer through Hon. Frank Inyang Okon of Obukwo-Omuno village, with Mr. Walter Nyah Nsikhe of Obiom village and chief Ndemson Ndemson of Ito clan who were by then in Port Harcourt as his sureties. He completed the apprenticeship in 1962 and worked as a Journeyman printer at Port Harcourt and Uyo from 1963 to 1966. While in the printing press he wrote and published a book called "Draw me back, life has no duplicate, handle with care", and another one in Efik language as an Efik poem called "Itong Odu Uwem Okongho Nkwa". He has also published two mystical books on self development called "The Telephone To Heaven" and "The Secrets of the Psalms".

In 1966 when the Nigerian Armed forces first intervened in the Nigeria politics, he left Port Harcourt to settle at his hometown of Okube village in Ukwa Eburutu, There at home, he began to practice traditional medicine and a preliminary occult science till the Nigeria-Biafra civil war met him there. The art of cultism had been his youthful hobby and after long practice its intrinsic virtue evolved and so become his chosen occupation but which is seen as a natural part of him. It is believing the obvious to say that h2e inherited this profession from his father Chief Udo Obong and his fore-father Chief Edim Udo or Udo Okube who were also traditional healers or native doctors. Therefore, this inheritance offered him a natural authority and facilities to do it well. But, after the Nigeria civil war in 1970, he left home to settle at Uyanga town in Akamkpa local government area of Cross River state. It was in Uyanga that he began his full practice as a medical herbalist, in the manufacturing of herbal drugs. But he left Uyanga Town in 1975 on God's advice to settle at Calabar and continue in his job of manufacturing of herbal drugs and curative medicines.

In 1977, when the branch of Nigeria Association of Medical Herbalists was inaugurated in the Cross River state, he registered as a member, and was elected a messenger. While in 1979, he was promoted to the post of a State Secretary of the Association, and to enhance his position, he had to undertake distance studies with a university in India on Herbal drugs and later went to south India about 1980 for a refresher course on Herbalism, Traditional Religion, occultism and Homoeopathic medicine, where he obtained his doctorate degrees and diploma certificates on the subjects. He also completed a one-year course with the school of herbal medicine in Kent, London, the highest training Institute of medical herbalist in the world, where he studied preservation and manufacturing of herbal drugs through local raw materials. In its reality of course, he is the first to manufacture herbal liquid type of herbal drug in Cross River state. He is one of the foundation members and leaders of Traditional Midwife Association (TBAS) in Cross River and Akwa Ibom state branches, and he is equally one of the first batches of TBAS personnel trained on the sponsorship of the Cross River state government and was provided with delivery kits. After the creation of Akwa Ibom state out of the Cross River state on 23rd September, 1987, he was elected General Secretary of the Eastern states zone of the Medical Herbalists Association.

In July 1989, the governing board of Nigeria Homoeopathic Medical College, Oron, Akwa Ibom state of Nigeria, officially conferred on him the Associate of the Faculty of Homocrotic Medicine (AFFIOM), and that was during its 4th convocation ceremony held at Oron on its achievements in traditional and homoerotic medicine practice in Nigc.ria. Again, in 1983, he was unanimously elected Treasurer Ukwa Eburutu welfare Association, Calabar Branch, while about 1979 and 1987, he was elected Publicity Secretary and President respectively, of Ukwa Eburutu Welfare Association, Calabar branch. So far, he has established Herbal Clinics (Okopedi Herbal Clinic) in Calabar with branches at Mbak Itak "I" of Akwa Ibom State and at Uyanga town of Akamkpa Local Government Area of Cross River state and another one at No. 7 Ani street by Obudu road, four Corners Ikom in Cross River state of Nigeria. He has also laid a foundation stone of his proposed Herbal Clinic in his home town Ukwa Eburutu in 1983.

Finally, he wants to believe that if God calls him anytime to come, he shall be happy to answer the call, because he has satisfactorily served his community Ukwa Eburutu and the Nigeria nation in general. The most interesting record in his life is that the Almighty God has helped him to achieve one of his most desired ambitions in life "The Doctor", this he wrote before he later gave up the ghost on Saturday 19th September 2009.

In essence, the auto-biography of Okopedi has been used to round p narrating the history of Ukwa Eburutu, which is invariably another version of a history of the Efik race of the Calabar kingdom, one of the original kingdoms in the making of Nigeria. The auto-biography of Okopedi may not be fascinating but interesting in the relevance of a people with peculiar culture. Truly, in my foray into the metaphysical world of Eburutu, I was overtaken by a sense of excitement and trepidation when he sent a copy to me. In its completion, which it made, the Efik ancient tradition and its cosmology, the sophistication of its phenomenological thought, may be fascinating if not exciting to scholars and students of Mean history in literature of religion, beyond Islam or Christian theology to encompass a wider scholarship.

In the same vein, the story of Nkpondik in this book is a compelling essence to narrate the fall of Biafra. Nigeria, once a land of great hope and progress, with immense resources at its disposal, had enormous encounter of Biafran war. In its necessity, sufficient expositions have narrated the beginning and the end of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war, and many scholars have written but very captivating is the "A personal History of Biafra ' There was A Country by Chinua Achebe". I also have encountered another, and see a system, even how little, including mine, which could be exciting, when compared and placed side by side with another. Therefore, this book insisted to capture in summary form the political journey of Nigeria from amalgamation to creations of states, but with the story of Nkpondik to mirror the inside of Biafra to its coffin at the end of the war, without going beyond that into the political party formation and to the death of the Biafra Odumegwu Ojukwu as the final end of Biafra. In all, the story is told without sentimental importance of security interest of benefit to scholars of sociology and ethnological conflicts.

To God Be The Glory.