The settlers, the missionaries, past and present leadership of Liberia

BOOK TITLE

THE LOST VALUE OF THE KPELLE TRIBE IN LIBERIA

BY:

ALEX PRINCE JOHNSON

DEDICATION

To all Liberians.

To every individual given birth to by a Kpelle descendent.

To the one who finds it difficult to believe that culture and tradition are unifier.

To you, the reader, for whom I desire a purposeful life characterized by effectiveness, efficiency and fulfillment.

To all who have disregarded the value of their Cultural Heritage.

To every generation that seeks meaning and a reason for living.

To everyone who is seeking for themselves.

PREVIEW

This article is a product of two years of work on the Kpelle tribe. Since the tribe work was primary, no attempt was made to study the subject announced in the title of this book exhaustively or definitely. Most of the materials was obtained incidentally the tribe, in analyzing the language, and some of it was obtained only out of personal curiosity. At the same time, the tribe orientation of the material may enhance its value out of the proportion to the lack of planning. Superficial investigation and judgment have been avoided, and speculation is indulged in only sparingly.

There has been no opportunity to consult carefully other works pertinent to this subject. However, there is likely to be little duplication because of the linguistic background of the material here presented. However, if current false impression revealed in private conversions reflect other published material, it is possible that this material will correct certain judgements which have been made without benefit of tribe evidence.

The Kpelle tribe is the largest tribes in Liberia, covering approximately 20% (1,000,000) of the country's population, of approximately 5 million people. The Kpelle area is a strip roundly fifty five miles wide and three times as long, on both sides of the St. Paul River, beginning about thirty miles inland and extending northeast; about a third of the area in French Guinea. The material presented here is derived primarily from the southwestern third of the tribe; but some information not ordinarily made public was obtained unsolicited from anonymous sources from other areas; these sources do not include any tribesman publicly known to have been associated with the author. There is known to be considerable homogeneity in the aspects of Kpelle culture describe here throughout the entire tribe, and also for the neighboring and related loma tribe. Other neighbor boring tribes are known to be similar in many respects; these include the Belleh, Gbande, Gola, Bassa, Gio, and Mano.

INTRODUCTION

The Kpelle or Guerze lived in North Sudan during the sixteenth century, before fleeing to other parts of North West Africa into what is now Mali. Their flight was due to internal conflicts between the tribes from the crumbling Sudanic Empire. Some migrated to Liberia, Mauritania, and Chad. They still maintained their traditional and cultural heritage despite their migration. Some of those countries still respect their cultural and traditional practices. Unfortunately for Liberia, the emergence of western education, Civil war and the signing of other International instruments by past governments, have stolen the pride of the largest ethnic group in Liberia.

The Kpelle are primarily a virilocal polygamous society dominated by the rice culture life cycle. They are the largest tribe in Liberia, the most recent and accurate estimate being that of the 1962 governmental census which places their number at 211,081 or twenty percent of Liberia's population (Kory 1970-17:60).

Throughout this research, I established that the PORO and SANDE were the two traditional practices that brought pride to the Kpelle Tribe and contributed to a decent living condition. It was difficult to see a typical Kpelle man or woman who was not part of the PORO and Sande before the emergence of western education. The PORO and SANDA were the first set of educational system established before the emergence of western education. The curriculum includes the teaching of family and community values, such as respect for elders and authority, social rules and conduct, the history and traditions of their respective ethnic group, the geography of their environment and its importance to life; vocational training (fishery, hunting, farming, midwifery and domestic training for girls, crafts, the use of herb as poisons and medicines) and fertility rites. The course of study ends in vigorous tests and graduation or the rite of passage. Certainly, the western education system could have benefited from some of these principles and contents (curricula). Instead, the term "bush school," used to refer to the traditional system, carries a stigma which the "civilized" did not want to be identified with. During the real practices of the PORO, the traditional leaders from the Kpelle Tribe had their own way of combating crimes on the local scene. Committers of crime (s) could easily be discovered using Sasswood, and other locally made investigative materials. Besides, criminal activities, rape, prostitution, immoral style of dressing among the women, disrespectfulness to older people, and other forms of violence weren't on the increase as they are now a day.

Before the taking over of western culture, typical Kpelle women who are members of the Sande could hardly dress half-naked in public except in time of cultural performances. It was also difficult to see a woman of this decent tribe making confusion or ruining insults publicly in a town or village due to the local rules that were established. On the other hand, typical Kpelle men who are also members of the PORO could not fight or insult their wife in gathering neither they could insult another man's wife or even have an affair with another man's wife. Violators could be punished traditionally. Boys and girls could not walk in the mist of elders standing tall, or even insult older people, neither eat with their oldest without holding the desk. Women could get fully mature before being turned over for marriage. Traditional marriage was one of the values of the Kpelle people. But where have that value gone? It is not that the tradition does not exist, but it has lost its value.

The value of the PORO and Sande made the Kpelle people to co-exist and work as a team to accomplish a particular goal.

The value of the culture and tradition aided the Kpelle people to conceptualize the word "work" to mean "Rice Cultivation." One crop a year was harvested in an annual slash-and-burn cycle; land was generally used once and then left fallow for at least seven years. Cassava (manioc) was the second-most important staple crop. The Kpelle also grew variety of other foodstuffs, including yams, potatoes, plantains, greens, peanuts, eggplants, okra, tomatoes, sesame seeds, peppers, onions, oranges, grapefruits, mangoes, bananas, pineapples, and papayas through team work. Hunting and trapping contributed occasional meat to the diet, although fishing contributes a larger proportion of protein source. Gathering is far more important, providing palm wine, palm nuts (for palm oil), kola nuts, and many wild fruits, fungi, vegetables, herbs, roots, and greens.

Where are those values? Kpelle people have become enemy for themselves. If the Kpelle people were still holding on their value and maintain their unity, they could get tire producing presidents in Liberia. But why other tribe are ruling them, when they are in majority?

Since the civil war, all the good practices, good moral, honesty in marriage, farming for economic growth, respect for elders, respect for culture and tradition, respect for the local and national laws and many other good behaviors have all vanished. This research work will figure out the meaningful contribution of the Kpelle tradition and those contributing factors that have lost its value.

CHAPTER ONE

THE RISE OF THE KPELLE TRIBE IN LIBERIA

The Kpelle tribe is the largest ethnic group in the West African nation of Liberia and a significant group in neighboring Guinea. Whereas the Kpelle of Guinea (called "French Kpelle" by Liberians) are poorly described, the Liberian Kpelle have been more thoroughly studied. They are arguably the most rural and conservative of the major Liberian peoples. The Kpelle migrated from the savanna area of the western Sudan to what is now Liberia shortly before the end of the sixteenth century, perhaps fleeing conflicts among the Sudanic states. Having mastered slash-and-burn agricultural techniques and acquiring new forest crops, they easily overrode the foraging Kwa-speaking peoples already there and quickly expanded into much of their present territory.

It is generally believed that all groups migrated from outside the boundary of what is now Liberia, however the heterogeneity of the Liberian society was not utilized in establishing and molding social, political and economic institutions. The fact that there are 16 ethnic groups, including the descendants of the "immigrants," is well known; but the history, social structures and cultures of most of these groups were never a part of Liberian education. The first 16 groups to arrive came from the savannah region of Africa sometime between the 16th and 18th centuries. (Liberian Studies Journal, XXII, 1 (1997).

According to legends, those trans-African immigrants who settled in the northern and western regions, came to escape either the anarchy resulting from the dissolution of the ancient African kingdoms of Ghana, Mali and Songhay; the Arab raid on sub -Saharan communities or in search of water as the Sahara Desert expanded. The trans-African groups that settled in the southern and eastern regions came in search of salt, spices, gold, ivory and other commodities.

Among these migrated slaves, the Kpelle tribe dominated. The US Department of State reports that the Kpelle were Liberia's largest ethnic group comprising 20% of the population (Erchak, Gerald M. 1998. The 1997 book Anthropology. This same record provides information on the secret societies of Poro and Sande which were the major cultural practices of the Kpelle tribe that held them together and enhance their growth in Liberia.

The Sande and Poro societies were the trusted custodians of "culture" in much of Liberia and have been present in the region for centuries before the arrival of the spies claiming to be commissionaires. These societies were traditionally believed to inculcate values and teach skills conducive to communal harmony and to prepare children for the rigors of adulthood. They also had a spiritual dimension, though they are not considered to be religious institutions as such, and most Sande and Poro members were also practicing Christianity.

Poro is a secret society for men; Sande, a secret society for women. Poro is responsible for initiating young men into social manhood; Sande, for initiating young women into social womanhood. These societies are secret in the sense that members of each have certain knowledge that can be revealed only to initiate members and these were the values that held the Kpelle Tribe together. Both societies are hierarchically organized. The higher a person's status within the society, the greater the secret knowledge revealed.

Poro and Sande are responsible for supervising and regulating the sexual, social, and political conduct of all members of the wider society. To carry out this responsibility, high-status society members impersonate important supernatural figures by donning masks and performing in public. One secret kept from the uninitiated is that these masked figures are not the spirits themselves.

Membership was automatic on initiation, and all men and women are ordinarily initiated. Each community had its own local Poro and Sande congregations, and a person initiated in one community was eligible to participate in the congregations of other communities. Initiates could pay fee for initiation, and if they wish to receive advanced training and progress to higher levels within the sodality, they could pay additional fees. In any community where Poro and Sande were strong, authority in society were divided between a sodality of mature women and one of mature men. Together, they work to keep society on the correct path.

All sacrifices and ceremonies were held within the "sacred grove" of the Poro society; only the "bush school" of the Poro was visible. This institution was the ritualistic, cultural socialization mechanism used to initiate adolescents into the adult community. The "schools" were conducted to teach men and women (in separate sessions lasting now for some weeks, but traditionally for some years) farming, cooking, herb techniques, sex education, hunting, and rules of the culture not already assimilated (with special and added emphasis on authority structures) in short, anything that a person needs to know in order to survive in this culture. It was not hard to comprehend the power of the Poro when they realized the variety of functions that it performs, educationally, religiously, medically, and politically.

According to Fulton Richard, Poro performs both sacred and secular functions." Fulton provides the following information on the sacred functions of Poro amongst the Kpelle:

In its strictly sacred manifestations, the Poro is the means of organizing relationships with the spirits that are the foundation of the Kpelle belief system. These spirits were divided into five categories: (1) ancestral spirits, (2) genii, (3) miscellaneous bush and water spirits, (4) spirits of the associations, and (5) specific Poro spirits.

All play a role in the pantheon of Kpelle beliefs. The first three categories of spirits govern the unseen world of the otherwise unexplainable. Ancestral spirits explain the life after death question present in most cultures and provide a spiritual mirror to the kinship based relationship patterns of daily life. The ancestors maintain a personal interest, and influence, on family and chiefdom life. They are protectors, and the Loi-Kalon [chief elder] and the Poro share responsibilities for keeping them satisfied (ritually "fed") and interested in the wellbeing of the chiefdom and its peoples.

The genii and the bush and water spirits are a group of specific nature spirits with the ability to transfer specialized knowledge or punishments. They therefore often need earthly specialists in dealing with them hence, the existence of specialized medicine men, fortune tellers, and communicators with the spirits. The spirits of the associations was more pervasive influences, since they manifest themselves through the hierarchy of specialized societies. There were various specific associations that arise from time to time with particular interests and functions (e.g., snake society, leopard society) which manifest their power through specific spirits personified by varied masked figures. Most probably these specific associations are "arms" of or auxiliaries of the Poro and are ultimately controlled by the Poro hierarchy.

The spirits of the Poro society were the worldly representation of supernatural forces personifying the will of "god" or the mysteries of life. These spirits are different from the others because they represent not only the supernatural world, but the earthly manifestation of this power: the Poro. Chief amongst these spirits was the "bush devil" (daa-devil). He represents the ultimate communication of the power and will of the spirits (god). The very highest level of the Poro controls the worldly appearance of this figure in the form of a masked "mummer." The Poro controlled several masked figures that represent spirits and perform a variety of functions, but it is the "bush devil" who is the cumulative power of the spirits and the Poro and is as close to an earthly manifestation of "god" as exists in Kpelle religion.

Harley (1950) indicates the masks of this and the other figures contain the real power of the religion, not the men of the Poro themselves. Regardless, it was the control of these spirits (through ceremony, medicine, and exclusive contact) for good or ill that constitutes the hard-core hold on the society that was the sacred power of the Poro.

CHAPTER TWO

POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND FUNCTIONS OF PORO IN THE KPELLE SOCIETY.

Although it was the sacred aspect of life that gives the Poro its main reason for existence, it was the secular extension of the sacred functions, and the organization of society to realize these, that touches most directly the political life of the Kpelle. The close relationship between the sacred and the secular presents the key to Poro influence on political decisions.

In relation to the Poro activities dealing with the supervision of political affairs within the Kpelle chiefdom, I place the activities of the Poro in specifically political affairs in the following categories: (1) reinforcing the legitimacy of the polity, (2) performing some functions of internal police, (3) performing certain judiciary functions, (4) playing a role in diplomacy and communications, and (5) advising the secular authorities.

(1) Legitimacy. As a general legitimizing force, it was clear that the Poro, having control of spiritual matters, could give credence to the political system.

(2) Police functions. The Poro, or auxiliary associations connected with the Poro hierarchy in some specific instances, act as enforcers of cultural norms. Poro agents, not agents of the Loi-Kalon or the elders, execute those who deviate seriously from social (civil as well as sacred) norms. Matters of a serious nature adjudicated by the Loi-Kalon, village elders, or the Poro elders are enforced by the Poro. Poison is the usual method of execution (for witchcraft, revealing Poro secrets, doing bodily injury), and a trial was not always granted, especially if there is general agreement of wrongdoing. One of the main reasons that the Poro was called an ultra-conservative force in relation to change was its role as enforcer, in fear generating ways, of the traditional norms and its punishment of the dissenters from traditional or accepted leadership.

Kpelle society was largely self-policing, but whenever the need arises for a policing function, it was felt that only the Poro can act without triggering a series of traditional reprisal incidents.

(3) Judiciary. In addition to enforcing many of the culture's norms, the Poro often was the judge of these norms. Since there was no law-making body in the Kpelle polity, all "laws" consist of cultural boundaries of norms-givens. If disagreements over land or women arise, the secular authorities adjudicate the case by a variety of conflict-solving means including informal moots as well as more formalized court procedures. Cases were judged on perceptions of each side's actions as they were supported by custom and tradition (see Gibbs 1963, 1969). In the secular area, however, there were few crimes grave enough to demand the attention of the Poro leadership, for they deal more with spiritual than secular effect. The human body is sacred to the Kpelle, so violation of the body was a serious offense. The Poro combines with the secular system to control violence within the society. Making murder and serious fighting that result in bodily harm a Poro offense gives added weight to efforts to minimize violence.

Matters concerning "witchcraft" or other supernatural phenomena were adjudicated within Poro by the council of Poro elders. Unlike some societies in the area, Kpelle Poro seems not to have primary jurisdiction in cases dealing with land distribution and use, bride price business, distribution of spoils of war, or debt payment. All these went before secular courts composed of village chiefs and elders with appellate rights to the Loi-Kalon and his chiefdom elders. If, however, dissatisfaction was great with any decision in the secular system, and the society is disrupted, a problem may find a final appeal in the Poro elders. This is quite rare.

(5) Advisory function. In most, but not all, secular affairs, Poro elders act as advisors to the secular leaders, this was a natural function, considering the significant power the Poro had. A secular leader was living dangerously if he does not have the support of the Poro hierarchy in his chiefdom or village. With their support there was much he could do; without their support he was likely to find himself poisoned. Most situations felled between these two extremes in practice, for the secular leaders were not without power and usually participate in high Poro councils as well.

International Crisis Group (ICG) reports that the "Liberian justice system was an amalgam of internal and imported statutory law; U.S. common law; state-sponsored African customary law, in which chiefs and local administrators exercise judicial powers; and African customary law that operates beyond state oversight, within Poro and Sande power association, council of elders, and other forms of dispute resolution." ICG continues:

The two forms of customary justice continued and even thrived despite the upheaval of war. Governments and donors pay scant attention to the interface between statutory and customary law but in Liberia customary law is the primary arena in which citizen's look for justice. Reforming only the statutory system would mostly benefit urban elites, who are most likely to avail themselves of that system. A working relationship should be nurtured between the statutory and state-sponsored customary law systems, including by training customary officials and strengthening the appeals process of the customary system by facilitating appeals to the statutory courts.

Liberia also has customary law systems that operate outside executive review. The Poro and Sande power associations, commonly referred to as secret societies, initiate males and females into adulthood, resolve community disputes and condemn members who have defied established social norms. Leaders believed to wield magical and spiritual powers secretly hand down harsh justice in the Poro forest; the more visible to the outside world the inner workings of the associations are, the less power they are believed to possess.

CHAPTER THREE

EARLY SETTLEMENT OF THE KPELLE TRIBE

The early Kpelle tribe settle in areas we now consider as Bong, Margibi and Lofa counties. The traditional Kpelle house was a round one-room, wattle-and-daub hut with a conical thatched roof; however, this type, although found everywhere, nowadays predominates only in relatively remote, enculturated villages. More common is the square house with three rooms and an open porch, or a rectangular house with two rooms and a very wide open porch. Zinc roofs are gradually replacing thatch, especially where cash employment is common.

Kpelle villages generally accommodate between 50 and 600 persons living in 10 to 150 huts according to my personal statistics; these numbers may be considerably higher if the village is an important one or is located on a motor road. Villages are often surrounded by considerably smaller farm hamlets; in addition, some families or even individuals live alone, away from a village or hamlet. Larger villages, called "towns" by the Kpelle, are divided into "quarters," named subunits with their own quarter-chiefs. Farms are located away from villages, sometimes at a considerable distance. Villages are generally several kilometers apart, with farm hamlets, if any, dispersed around each village and uninhabited bush between each village-hamlet cluster. Many Kpelle today live as refugees in Guinea and Monrovia because of the civil war.

Economy

Subsistence. Dry swidden rice is the Kpelle staple and the focus of Kpelle life. The Kpelle conceptualize the word "work" to mean "rice cultivation." One crop a year was harvested in an annual slash-and-burn cycle; land was generally used once and then left fallow for at least seven years. Cassava (manioc) was the second-most important staple crop. The Kpelle also grow a variety of other foodstuffs, including yams, potatoes, plantains, greens, peanuts, eggplants, okra, tomatoes, sesame seeds, peppers, onions, oranges, grapefruits, mangoes, bananas, pineapples, and papayas. Hunting and trapping contribute occasional meat to the diet, although fishing contributes a larger proportion of protein source. Gathering is far more important, providing palm wine, palm nuts (for palm oil), kola nuts, and many wild fruits, fungi, vegetables, herbs, roots, and greens.

Commercial. Cash cropping of sugarcane, rubber, cacao, and coffee did not begin until the 1960s. A decreasing few Kpelle spin and weave native cotton into homespun cloth, and a few fairly affluent men distill sugarcane juice into rum, but most Kpelle acquire cash through wage labor on rubber farms and in iron mines. Most Kpelle have no domestic animals; those who do keep goats, sheep, and chickens slaughter them only for religious sacrifice or to honor a high-status visitor. A few wealthy families had some cattle or a few pigs.

Industrial. Although there were no full-time specialists, most villages had weavers, tailors, furniture makers, mask and fetish sculptors, and a blacksmith. The art of smelting iron from ore is now virtually forgotten but was once a highly valued skill.

Trade. Markets were introduced by the Americo-Liberians and are still not found in remote Roadless parts of Kpelle land, but, in less remote areas, lively weekly markets were important events. In large commercial towns lining the major arteries, one would find market produce nearly every day, in addition to many Lebanese- and Syrian-run shops.

Division of Labor. The Kpelle division of labor was determined primarily by gender. Men clear the bush, and women plant. Men hunt and occasionally fish and gather palm wine, palm nuts, and kola nuts. Women do most of the fishing and gathering. Women weave nets and most baskets, whereas men plait mats, make furniture, weave some types of mat, and, where it is still practiced, weave homespun cloth. Although all Kpelle are farmers, some further division results from knowledge of politics and "medicine" (or "magic"). A chief, for example, may be somewhat better off than others. Medicine men, medicine women, and shamans of various types also often enjoy considerable prestige and influence, particularly within the framework of the numerous secret (or sacred) societies. The blacksmith, for example, is always a powerful medicine man who is believed by many to be an important ritual leader within the Poro society for men. Wealthy, influential men are called "outstanding men" or "big shots" and are very much admired and often envied.

Land Tenure. Because of the culture that places men above all properties, there is little land pressure in most of Kpelle land. The first man to settle in a previously uninhabited area is called the "owner of the land," a title with ritual as well as secular significance. He, or if deceased, his descendant, allots land to those who ask, and permission is rarely refused.

Law enforcement:

CHAPTER FOUR

Traditional Practices of the Kpelle Tribe.

The 1980 book entitled Women and Marriage in Kpelle Society reports that amongst the Kpelle "a woman and her children remain the property of the lineage that paid bride-wealth, even if the husband dies." The book continues:

Especially in patrilineal societies such as the Kpelle, rules ensure that a woman and her children remain the property of the lineage that paid bride-wealth, even if the husband dies. Though seldom practiced, the Kpelle levirate legally transfers a widow to one of her husband's brothers or other male lineage mates as his wife. A widow may even be transferred to one of her husband's sons by another marriage, usually if she is of the same age or younger, though many of my informants regarded this dubiously, calling it a marriage between a man and his 'mother.

Although monogamy has become more common in the late twentieth century, polygyny remains the preferred marital type. Anthropologist James Gibbs (1965) describes six types of union recognized by the Kpelle, ranging from the most prestigious (full bride-price paid outright with patrilocal residence) to casual liaisons. The Kpelle prefer marriage with bride-price, although traditional bride-service was acceptable as well. Patrilocal post marital residence was preferred, but nonlocality associated with bride-service was quite common for very young couples. At least 20 percent of Kpelle marriages end in divorce, which can be quite complex and protracted. Grounds include infertility and adultery for husbands, and physical abuse and nonsupport for wives. Divorce negotiations involve property, especially when substantial bride-price is involved.

Domestic Unit. The polygynous family, with each wife and her children having their own hut, was the ideal form, but it was quite rare. It was more likely that all members of a polygynous family live in the same house, with each wife having her own room. Often one wife would live elsewhere, even several kilometers away. Monogamous nuclear and extended families were on the increase.

Inheritance. A man's authority, property, and younger wives were inherited either by his oldest surviving brother or his oldest son. Obligations, debts, personality, and food taboos, among other things, were inherited patrislineal.

Socialization. Until age 2, children were very much indulged; from age 2 to 6, they were trained through threats and ridicule; after age 6, corporal punishment was frequently used. At all ages, curiosity was stifled and innovation actively discouraged. Boys were circumcised when they were young. At some point between the ages of 7 and 20, boys were initiated in seclusion and en-masse into the secret men's society called Poro. While Poro School used to last up to four years, nowadays it is generally much shorter. Physical initiation features scarification on the back and often on the chest and stomach as well. Also between the ages of 7 and 20, girls were initiated into the women's Sande society, a process that traditionally lasted up to three years. Clitoridectomy and labiadectomy were central features of female initiation. For both sexes, initiation was carried out by masked figures.

Social Organization. Although residence and many activities tend to be built on the patrilineages, associations were more important in Kpelle social organization. The first was the kuu, which is an ad hoc cooperative work group of kin, friends, and neighbors. The two primary kuu types were those that are formed to clear the forest for a rice farm and those that are called together to build a house, but work groups are also created for other purposes. Even more significant are the many secret societies, especially the Poro (for men) and Sande (for women), which pervade many aspects of life. They function as religious, social, political, legal, and educational institutions. In addition, there were numerous exclusive specialized societies devoted to various forms of magic ("medicine")—for example, controlling snakes, lightning, or witches.

Political Organization. The Kpelle were organized into several petty chiefdoms without any overarching political structure above the local chiefdom. Since the pacification of the interior by the Americo-Liberian government's Frontier Force, these chiefdoms' heads have been called paramount chiefs. Under each are several clan chiefs—but "clan" in this context simply refers to a district and has nothing whatsoever to do with kinship. Under each clan chief are the various town chiefs, and under them, quarter chiefs, if any. The Poro Society acts as a sort of shadow government; chiefs at any level could accomplish little without Poro backing.

Social Control. Beyond enculturation, conformity is achieved largely through social pressure, especially the fear of being accused of witchcraft. The Poro and Sande also kept their members in line, even trying and torturing individuals for serious violations of norms. In secular matters, most cases were adjudicated in informal hearings, often convened by the village chief. Nowadays more serious cases go through the Liberian courts, although traditional ordeals are often employed.0

Conflict. The Kpelle engaged in sporadic warfare until the late 1930s. "War chief" was a traditionally recognized and prestigious office; it is now defunct, although it may still have ritual significance within the Poro.

Religious Practitioners. The Kpelle recognize three principal types of shaman (medicine person of either sex): those associated with the Poro and Sande societies, those associated with other specific medicine societies, and those who are independent. The first two types mainly conduct rituals; the third type, and occasionally the second, primarily heal. The Kpelle also utilize diviners who analyze problems for a fee.

Ceremonies. Sacrifices were made to ancestors and other spirits, often at crossroads. Rituals and ritual knowledge were secret and, in general, associated with the secret medicine societies. Accordingly, most important Kpelle rituals were not accessible to observers. One exception was the coming-out ceremonies following initiatory seclusion.

Arts. The Kpelle design various musical instruments, weave homespun cloth and several types of mat, and carve crude sculptures. Their most beautiful and refined artistic creations were the elegant and awesome spirit masks associated with the secret societies.

Medicine. The Kpelle deal with disease and with spirits through magic and medicine, both of which were implied by the word sale. Depending on whether a malady was determined to be caused by spiritual (e.g., witchcraft) or other agency, the appropriate type of specialist was consulted for treatment.

Death and Afterlife. Death is a passing into a spiritual realm that coexists with the material realm. The deceased become ancestors, who seem to become increasingly vague and to move further away from villages and into the bush as their memory becomes less distinct in the minds of their living relatives. Ayodeji Olukoju, in the 2006 book Culture and Customs of Liberia, notes that "regardless of the religious affiliation of Liberians, they all share a common outlook on the supernatural and the keeping of secrets." Olukoju continues:

Liberian religious culture broadly defined is characterized by a predisposition toward secrecy (summarized in the concept of ifa mo – "do not speak it") and an ingrained belief in the intervention of mysterious forces in human affairs. Regardless – or because – of their religious preferences, Liberians acknowledge the power of evil in human affairs.

…Beliefs in spirits has always been fundamental to Liberian life, worldview, and religious beliefs. Traditional religionists, especially those in the Poro areas of northern and northwestern Liberia, believe in the existence of a variety of spirits: ancestral spirits, various water and bush spirits, genies, spirits of the associations and specific Poro spirits. Ancestral spirits are believed to protect and play mediatory roles in the affairs of their offspring and in their offspring's dealings with the spirit world, and generally maintain an interest in their well-being. Bush and water spirits and genies are believed to possess humans and to be capable of transferring specialized knowledge or power to them. This consequently has led to the emergence of specialized priests, diviners, physicians, and fortune-tellers who themselves claim to communicate with the spirits. These spirits are also believed to govern the mysterious world that exists outside of human control. Spirits (or totems) of the associations government the affairs of the snake and leopard societies, which often act as the agents of the Poro. The Poro spirits include the bush devil, which communicates the will of the god and acts as its earthly or visible manifestations. These spirits are represented by several masked dancers under the control of the Poro.

In essence, it is commonly held that the unseen gods and spirits represent the ultimate sources of power, and humans have to arrange how to communicate with or appease such spiritual forces. Yet it is important to concede not only that these beliefs vary in their details but also that they are more grounded in some parts of the country than others. Thus, given the antiquity of the Poro and Sande (male and female societies, respectively) in the central regions, they are more intricately women into the fabric of society and politics in those places than in southeastern Liberia (Olukoju, Ayodeji 2006, 'Traditional or Indigenous Religion and Worldview', Culture and Customs of Liberia, Greenwood Press, Westport, pp.23-25 – Attachment 13).

Membership of Poro or Sande is an important part of being a Kpelle.

In spite of the vitality of the Poro and Sande as institutions, non-membership seems to carry no great disadvantage. An uninitiated man can hold land and property and marry, which it is said, would not have been possible in the past.

Although membership may not have tangible advantages, it is an important part of being a Kpelle and accounts for much of the pride that Kpelle have in their culture. It has been correctly pointed out that the attachment most Kpelle feel to the tribal societies and their secrets is similar to European and American conceptions of patriotism.

Membership in different lodges or units of the Poro or Sande is an important integrating factor, for the unifying bonds of society memberships crosscut the divisive links of kinship and territorial affiliations.

CHAPTER FIVE

Disappearance of the Kpelle Value

First factor: The Emergence of Western Education

Throughout these periods, the Kpelle Tribe enjoyed the value of their cultural and traditional practices until the emergence of western education between 1822-1839. All these while, there was nothing like western education in the colony. Those missionaries had the zeal to obey Christ's command to go in all the world and preach his Gospel. Many bought their freedom and came to Africa for that purpose. They realized that if they were to do an effective job, the African had first to be taught to read and write so that they could read the scriptures for themselves. A leading figure among this group was Rev. Lott Carey who himself never attended any formal school. Coming as missionaries to establish western education is not my point. My point is, all these norms that held the Kpelle people together were despise and rejected.

A decisive effort should have been made to build a nation out of this diversity by scrutinizing, studying and sifting the various cultures with a view to adopt those qualities which could benefit and develop Liberia. The traditional schools were consistently denigrated and held in low esteem.

Even though their intention was not bad, but if you closely inspect, you will find that education of children in these schools (guild -like societies in the Poro and Sande was methodically organized. Although the length and procedure vary from group to group, the aims and outcome were basically the same: Originally, children entered the phased program about age seven to eight and completed during adolescence. The curriculum included the teaching of family and community values, such as respect for elders and authority, social rules and conduct, the history and traditions of their respective ethnic group, the geography of their environment and its importance to life; vocational training (fishery, hunting, farming, midwifery and domestic training for girls, crafts, the use of herb as poisons and medicines) and fertility rites. The course of study ends in vigorous tests and graduation or the rite of passage. Certainly, the national education system could have benefited from some of these principles and contents (curricula). Instead, the term "bush school," used to refer to the traditional system, carries a stigma which the "missionaries" did not want to be identified with.

In the 1960s, the traditional school was mandated by the government to reduce the length of training to the three -month summer vacation because children were often pulled out of westernized schools to attend the traditional school and this greatly affected enrollment in these schools. The Kpelle Tribe resented this and other external intrusion. Thus, for a long time they refused to send their children to the missionary schools established in their areas. Students had to be recruited through conscription under government orders by paramount and clan chiefs according to one of my sources in Kpatawee clan.

These cultural practices continually lost their values as missionaries endure to establish religious schools among native Liberians. They created separate communities for their converts outside these villages in order to prevent contamination by their "heathen" families accordingly. The traditional dress and languages were prohibited in their schools. All traditional languages were referred to as "dialects," implying some inferiority to European languages. Liberian educators later came to understand, however, that a dialect is merely a local variation of a language and that all languages have such variations. Consequently, these various lingua franca are all languages.

Another prejudice instilled by the missionaries was the scorn of Kpelle culture as satanic. They did not understand its spirituality or accept the idea that it is monotheistic, as demonstrated by the singular noun used to refer to the Supreme Being.

The missionaries regarded the Kpelle and other cultures religion as ancestral worship, not realizing that the high zoes and other officials who use ceremonial masks represent the spirits of their ancestors and, like western religious statues and pictures, these spirits (equivalent to saints) are continuously solicited to make intercession to the Divine Creator on behalf of the living. Hence, they referred to these masks and their wearers as "bush devils" or "country devils." This stereotyping and denigration of the local culture found its way into books and other printed materials.

Besides the submission from missionaries, in the 1960s, the traditional school was mandated by the government to reduce the length of training to the three -month summer vacation because children were often pulled out of westernized schools to attend the traditional school and this greatly affected enrollment in these schools.

As a student of education, I belief Kpelle culture was hunted and termed as evil not because of the practices, but the whites wanted to penetrate and have power over the African culture. Those missionaries were used as espionage to manipulate the African system using the 'The Word of God'. They succeeded because of their cash influence and the power they had over the African continent.

In my belief, it is because of cultural diversity the African continent does not agree with each other, and this is the strength of the westerners.

The establishment of western education in Liberia didn't only reject the Kpelle culture establishment of western education in Liberia Besides the African continent, between education and literacy is that literacy basically refers to the ability to read and write whereas education refers to the acquisition of knowledge.

The five philosophies of Confucianism which include: personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationship, justice, kindness, and sincerity, were already practiced by the Kpelle people through traditional schools system.

Second factor: The Liberia civil war

Despite the first invasion on the Kpelle culture, the culture still had little prestige until the outbreak of the first Liberian civil war which was an internal conflict from 1989 until 1997. Even though the Kpelle tribe wasn't included in the conflict, but young people from the tribe were recruited to fight against themselves.

Some young people from the tribe willingly joined the forces to watch hunt and kill chiefs and zoes they had malice against at the result of their own negligence. The act of taking in harmful drugs was introduced in the war to make the soldiers brave in killing. The intake of these harmful substances brought the Liberian society under another spotlight where those associated in said behavior could no longer respect elder people not even the zoes or other traditional leaders.

The fear of humiliation and death left some of the traditional leaders with no alternative, but to shut down the bush schools to secure themselves and their families.

Children that were bored during the course of the 14 years civil crisis, didn't have the opportunity to be indoctrinated with the Kpelle culture. By extension, all those that were given birth in the 90s up to 2003, have no better orientation especially from the Kpelle descendants.

Those new generation from the Kpelle descendants who were not orientated with the Kpelle doctrine begin to hate the culture, probably because they didn't know the value of the culture to their tribe.

However, because of this mindset built against the tradition, it begin difficult for parents to convince their children to attend the traditional school. Base on the lack of interest to attend the traditional school, parents begin using force to make their children attend the traditional school. Children were chased out of the western school by their parents just to have traditional orientation. The forceful initiation of people in the traditional school drew the attention of the international community and other human right activists.

The third factor: The intrusion of the international community and human right activists in the culture.

Liberia was one of the earliest supporters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the foundational document of international human rights laws. According to its preamble, UDHR is to serve "as a common standard of achievement for all people and all nations," indicating that it is to be applied universally, irrespective of local practices of any particular country.

The adoption of UDHR was followed by the elaboration of various international human right instruments to which Liberia has become a party, thereby binding it to obligations, including: the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW); the Convention against torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT); the Convention on the Rights of Child (CRC); and the Convention on the rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD).

These instruments protect a wide range of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, and the human rights of women, children persons with disabilities, and minorities. They all prohibit discrimination on any ground, including sex, religion, ethnicity, disability, and other status.

Liberia is also a party of regional human rights instruments including the African Charter on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR), the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC), and the Protocol to ACHPR on the Rights of women in Africa (the "Protocol")

However, human rights activists used these instruments to indicate that some of the traditional and cultural practices had significant negative impact on the enjoyment of fundamental rights. These include FGM, forcible initiation into secret societies, trial by ordeal (particularly the use of sassywood, accusation of witchcraft, and ritualistic killing. They claimed that these practices were affecting certain groups, such as women, children, elderly persons, persons with disabilities, as well as the poorest Liberians.

These claims served as instruments to facilitate substantive engagement with the government and other partners in fulfilling their fight against the cultural and traditional practices of the Kpelle tribe.

CHAPTER SIX

The Impact of Western Culture on the Liberian culture

The socio-cultural evolution in Liberia in one way or the other has provoked development and crisis as well. Most of the time, the crisis generated are intolerable at the extreme, antagonistic and provokes war. The various conflict which greeted the coming of whit-man in Liberia were eloquent enough to this. Some harmful cultural practices were abolished and Liberians were given formal education. The existence of culture is aimed at meeting the needs of physical and social environment. Virtues and values are important and indispensable aspects of culture. The rate of cultural advancement in a given society depends on the level of that society's moral value or virtues of consciousness.

A critical look at the Western influence on the Liberian culture shows both good and bad influences. This has made much of Liberian native culture give way to the European culture. Either by design or accident, Liberians have imbibed the Western culture and have appropriated it so much that it now becomes almost part and parcel of their lives. Rodee (1983) saw African social problems which emanated from Western influence as one-crop economies, pervasive corruption, spiraling inflation, massive unemployment, over-crowded cities and destitute villages. Obviously, the culture of African people is still undergoing contacts and conflicts which results to a healthier life of the society resulting in an improved social system.

However, in the light of the present state of African culture which Liberia is included is included, mismanagement, greed, embezzlement, bribery, tribalism has downplayed the influence of culture on the social system. This is a clear indication why modern method of birth control as abortion has been rebuffed in many culture despite the enormous efforts of its proponents to give it the best recognition.

Culture Defined

Skinner (cited in Agha, 2014) defines culture as "totality of how people live and behave" (p. 38) Akama (2012) states that culture is "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, arts, society" (p.91) Kluchohn and Kelly (1988) described culture "as all those historically created designs for living, explicit and impact, rational, irrational, which existed anytime as potential guide for behaviors of men" (p.44). According to Otite and Oginwo (2016) culture is "the complex whole of man's acquisition of knowledge, morals beliefs, arts, customs and technology, which are shared and transmitted from generation to generation" (p.86) Sibani (2014:107) posits that "culture is the entity that incorporates the totality and is synonymous with the people's way of life, transmitted from age to age, generation to generation" (p.107) Obiajulu (cited in Onwuekwe, 2006) posits that culture is "the sum total of human creations, intellectual, technical, artistic, physical and moral. Culture is the complex part of living that directs human social life. The things each generation must learn and to which they eventually may add" (p.86) Culture distinguishes human being from other animals, in that human are able to construct patterns of behaviors for themselves, and are able to transmit this from person to person through generations. The study of culture is the key component of sociology along with the associated notion of socialization, and of social anthropology.

Characteristics of culture

Culture is learned, not a Biological Inheritance: According to Limton (cited in Anderson, 2004) "Culture is learned by growing up with it the process of cultural transmission from one generation to the next is called enculturation" (p. 649). Culture is a social heritage because it is hereditary and transmissible from one generation to another.

Culture is symbolic: (Akama, 2012) described it as "the most symbolic elements of language functioning in this case as the substitution of words for objects; with language, humans are able to transmit culture from one generation to another". (p.54). Language is a very important index of culture. Once one speaks one's native language, it is easy to identify where he or she comes from.

Culture is Dynamic: According to Akama (2012), Culture is dynamic because all cultures change overtime, changes take place in response to such event and phenomena as environmental pollution and crisis, intrusion of migrants and cultural diffusions, or modifications in behavior and values within he social system.

Arinze (2006) opines that cultural dynamism takes alongside acculturation, which is the emulation of the objects of one culture by another culture by another culture. Acculturation takes place simply by a person or a group of persons beginning to adopt another culture. The people of the culture being imitated may even be unaware of their being imitated. Therefore, cultural dynamism is the changing of culture. This change can be by absorption of new ideas into a culture. It can be by the removal of old ideas or ways of doing things from a culture.

Culture is a set of shared ideas, values, and standards of Behavior: it is the common factor that makes the actions of individuals intelligible to the group and its members. It can be shared and has the capacity to influence the individual knowingly or unknowingly. Uwandu and Nwankwo (2006) hold that values are important ingredients in the content of culture. There are aspects of cultural practices, objectives or actions that a society holds in high esteem or consider important for its members. They are the goals that make the norm meaningful within the cultural context. For example, norms of a particular society ensure that life which is a value is preserved. These values as stated by Onwubiko (1991) are articulate and include the sense of community life, sense of good human relations, sense of sacredness of life, sense of hospitality and sense of the sacred religion.

Sense of good human Relations: This indicates the Kpelle tribe's ability to relate cordially with one another and tolerate each other, tolerate and endure successive bad governments. Kpelle people have the sense of respect of constituted authority and elders. Because of their humanitarian feelings kindheartedness, they are often referred to as 'stupid people'.

Sense of Sacredness of Life: Besides Kpelle people, Africans as a whole respect life and hold it as sacred. This is of course why legalization of abortion has not been passed into law in many African countries.

Sense of Hospitality: Kpelle people are hospitable people. Hence the existence of so many expatriates doing their business without disturbance and molestation in the country attest to this.

Causes of culture change

Change is an inherent aspect of culture. No culture remains static. Currently, we are experiencing social and cultural changes on a global scale. According to Uwandu and Nwankwor (2006), culture change must be distinguished from culture dynamism, which refers to just the susceptibility of culture to receive and add to itself certain other cultural value. Culture in itself grows and changes. This occurs over a period of time. Over the years, western culture has indeed accounted for a lot of changes in the Kpelle culture. There has been such intense Western effort to change the status of women, most especially in Liberia where it is obvious that women are lowly placed in the scheme of things when compared with their male counterparts. Western style of education has been entrenched in our Kpelle culture, style of dispensing justice and politics. However, according to Christie (2014). There are diverse factors that lead to cultural change which includes:

Invention: this is a process whereby new cultural elements are created, often out of previously existing elements such as the radio, the computer, or the microchips, the telephone, each of which has had a tremendous impact on our of life. The usages of telephone has introduced the act of cheating and dishonesty in relationships. The usages of telephone and the internet has exposed sex that was hidden.

Discovery: It is the process through which the cultural traits of culture are transmitted to another. This can take place through trade and other forms of economic exchange, migration, or wars. Cultural diffusion is more likely to take place and is more intense at border areas where populations of neighboring cultures are more likely to interact.

Environment: Environment is the surrounding in which a person, animal or plants lives or operates. Basically, we as people have to change to adapt to our environment. As a result we have to change the way we react to certain situations in our culture. Popoola (2016) says that culture changes because of new found ideas that may seem more beneficial for that way of life. When a culture feels that a way of life is better than the current way then it is likely the culture will adapt to those better ways and incorporate that way into their style.

Acculturation: According to Suarez, (2013), "acculturation is a process in which members of one cultural group adopt the beliefs and behavior of another group" (p. 92). Although acculturation is usually in the direction of minority group adopting habits and languages, patterns of the dominant group. Acculturation can be reciprocal, that is, the dominant group also adopts patterns typical of the minority group. Assimilation of one cultural group into another may be evidenced by changes in language preference, adoption of common attitudes and values, loss of separate political or ethnic identification. Also when alien cultural traits diffuse into a society on a massive scale, acculturation frequently is the result. The culture of the reliving society is significantly changed. However, Obinna (2016) states that acculturation does not necessarily result in a new, alien culture trait completely replacing old ones. An example of acculturation is immigrant to America eating peanut, butter, and pumpkin pie and picking up accent within a day or two. Also when a large number of immigrates from the same country settle into a new neighborhood. One might witness a change in the way that the people who were original residents dress or speak. Conversely, the new inhabitants may also alter their dress or speech to blend in with their new environment. According to Akama (2012), it also connotes "the constant communication between two or more distinct culture groups during which our group takes on element of the culture of the other group" (p.18).

Impact of Western Culture on Traditional Kpelle Society: Problems and prospects

Deviation from the Traditional Politics

Consequent on the Kpelle ontology, authority and power belongs to the entire community just like the vital forces. Every member has the share of the power. In the Kpelle Traditional politics, the power is invested on a group of persons and at times a worthy leader to act on behalf of the exercise power on behalf of the living and the dead. By so doing, they become symbols of unity and agents of maintaining the ontological harmony of the community. Due to cultural change, Okon (2016) avers that the political atmosphere in Africa is now a problem which has made the contemporary African politicians no longer see themselves as leaders who have the mandate of people to serve. Today, people now fight, kill and bulldoze their ways into positions of power. This shows deviation and abandonment of values, especially the sacredness of human life. High values and respect should be reposed in Liberian leaders and there is a need to re-evaluate the traditional leadership systems which are more hereditary in nature. We should also embrace the democratic aspect of leadership of check the excesses.

The challenges of Worship

In the contemporary era, culture of Kpelle tribe has greatly eroded due to Western culture influence. Alloy (2003) holds that it is very clear that the traditional ways of worship has drastically changed and modernized. The local or traditional drums that makes the music of the people very significant and meaningful has greatly being replace with band-set and English songs. The Kpelle people should return back to their heritage and revive the locally made drums and music which makes them distinct in their nature of worship. The acrobatic dance of the Kpelle people when drums and music are played is far richer that the western pattern of worship which has gradually turned Kpelle worshippers into iroko trees that stand very erect in the place of worship.

Communication Barriers

According to Venkatesh (2012), it is a means by which interpretation and transmission of ideas between individuals or groups are made because of cultural change. Vast number Liberians today which speak English instead of their ancestral language has caused a barrier in communication between the young ones who migrated to the urban areas, some people living in the rural areas, and old men and women. As native Liberian societies continue to do this, most communities will be experiencing a corresponding loss of their traditional culture. There is a need for Liberians especially the Kpelle tribe to teach and educate their children in the mist of acculturation so that the local language of the people will not be completely lost to Western languages. Government should see to is that the medium of instruction in the primary school is initially the mother tongue or language of immediate community and at a later stage, English language.

High rate of Divorce

In the old Kpelle set up, a young man or woman does not tell his/her parents who to marry. It was the full right of the parents of the girl and the man to begin to find a wife for their son, and give their daughter to anybody of their choice. The next was for him to wait for them to tell him where and when the marriage would take place. According to Ubani (2007), the work of doing the investigation, finding money and other things is not in the hand of the man. Investigation here means finding out whether the girl's people can give birth without difficulties, a trace of rampant adultery, stealing, and premature death and so on.

Due to cultural change, men find their wives on their own without the consent of their parents. They are not willing to know or investigate things about who to marry; they make decisions on where and when the marriage will hold. Which has often times resulted to regrets, abandonment and even quarrel between the two parties. In Liberia both the living and the dead gather during marriage. It is a conglomerate that no single individual must stand imperative for young men alone. In order to avert frequent cases in Liberia, it is imperative for young men and women going into marriage to listen to their parents especially when there is sense of danger.

Indecent sexual Behavior

This is an unwanted conduct of a sexual nature, or other conduct based on sex affecting the dignity of women and men. Sykinner (2015) avers that due to cultural change, women especially go along the road, school, and churches and so on half-naked. Putting on sexy clothe that reveals special part of their body all in the name of fashion which negatively leads to sexual harassment, rapping etc which at times opens way for diver sexually transmitted Diseases in our society is rampant. All hands should on desk to stop this deadly practice in our society.

The challenges of Education and Technology

Westernism accompanied by advanced technology stepped down the pace of Liberian local technological development and oral tradition. In fairness however, Western technology has tremendously improved the lifestyle of Liberians in various areas such as Medicine, communication, Transport, Agriculture, Sports Education, clothing, and so on. However, we should not keep basking in the euphoria of Western technological achievements and forget to improve on our local technology as stated by Arinze (2006). We should appreciate the products of our local art works painting, sculptures, and molding just for what they are and it will encourage development.

Conclusion

All cultures change through times. No culture is static. However, most cultures are basically conservative in that they tend to resist change. Some resist more than others by enacting laws for the preservation and protection of traditional cultural patterns, while putting barriers to alien ideas and things. E.g. French government forbids the commercial use of English words for which there are French equivalencies. It is now, abundantly clear that we that we are in an accelerating culture change period all around the world regardless of whether we try to resist it or not. Liberian culture should act as a means of checking, adopting and transmitting such changes as technological development, political development and social development. In order to avoid cultural extinction, there is an urgent need for cultural restoration in Liberia owning to erroneous impression or Western indoctrination. This is very necessary because a people without a culture are a people an identity.

References

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