Donbass - Heart of European Russia?]
The Donetsk coal basin (Russian: Донецкий угольный бассейн), abbreviated simply as the Donetsk basin or Donbass (Донбасс), is a term that refers to deposits of coal (and other mineral-materials such as peat or anthracite, melting and construction limestones, clays, quartz and aluminum), formed from the bays and estuaries of the Tethys Ocean (in the Mesozoic-Cenozoic era), in what is today Southern Russia (close to the Black Sea).
On what today is the Donetsk ridge and the Donets River (Seversky Donets).
Grigory Grigorievich Kapustin, a Russian geologist and explorer, discovered the coal basin in 1721 (in what is now Lysychansk), which later in 1722 prompted Peter the Great to issue a decree "On the search for coal and minerals in the Don and in the Voronezh province ".
The industrialization of the area, however, would not come until the 19th century, after the success of the Alexandrian government in its various reforms.
We are talking about an area of 60,000 km², with at least 140.8 billion tons of natural resource reserves today. Or we can also say that there are at least 300 layers of carvoniferous strata in this basin.
Naturally after the great industrialization in the Russian Empire, there was a greater exploitation of these resources and the development of the potential of the region began.
Donetsk (also called Yuzovka and Stalino), Pokrovsk, Makeevka, Lysychansk, Gorlovka, Sverdlovsk, Rovenki, Antratsyt, Chystiakove, Krasny Luch and others became the main production centers in the basin.
Severodonetsk, Lugansk, Lisichansk, Gorlovka, Pervomaisk and Stakhanov for their part became the main centers of chemical industry and mechanical engineering in the region.
With the rise of the "Birdcage Economy" during the reign of Tsar Nicholas II and the Premiership of Iosif V. Stalin, also came a major new modernization in various areas of the economy, which is foundational to Russian success in modern times.
Mining, the chemical industry and metallurgy were only part of these modernizations. And in such modernizations, the Donbass was seen as one of the most important centers of European Russia.
During this Moscow approach to Donbass, the Bukharinist faction of the RSDLP (led by the Deputy Premier Bukharin, in opposition to the Stalinists of Premier Stalin) gained quite a bit of strength, when on April 10 of 1928, they managed to pass their 'practical measures' to eliminate the deficiencies uncovered in connection with "sabotage activities" on the industries of Donbass in the State Duma.
While it is true that the Donbass flourished in the 20s and 30s (with a brief hiatus due to World War III), we cannot attribute all this to the measures of Bukharin or the Bukharinists alone.
In addition to "practical measures" against sabotage or inefficiencies, the second industrial revolution and improvements in infrastructure played an important role.
Mining institutes were developed that trained specialists working in the basin, important banks and trusts for investment in the area (Alchevsky, Produgol, Donugol, Donbassugol, Donbassanthracite and others) and organizations such as the South Russian Council of Miners and the Alekseevsky Mining Society (which would help workers and productive objectives in the basin).
An important transformation of the Stalinist period, where the Donbass went from being administered from Kharkov (an area that is not in the Donbass itself, but that until then had been its 'capital') to the Donbass (in particular Donetsk, which due to its relationship Stalinist period is also called Stalino).
And as a result of all this, the importance of the Donbass continued to increase (mainly to its mineral and energy resources, within the machinery of the Russian Empire).
The practical measures were more of an ideological struggle campaign, within what was the RSDLP at the time.
One of the few victories of the Bukharinists over the Center of the RSDLP.
Today the Donbass remains an important and developed area of European Russia, with the expansion or renewal of industries (mining, energy, metallurgy), and the region's international connections to markets such as Southeast Asia.
Donbass is a steel support for European Russia.
The_Donets_Basin_is_the_heart_of_Russia.jpg
The Donets basin is the heart of Russia.
(OOC: Certainly a bit anachronistic, because the European Russia ITL is bigger than the Soviet Russia, but you know the limitations of the TL).
1797989072_0:113:3073:1843_1920x0_80_0_0_59f6d0dc6b5017b00e895d6d2dd217ec.jpg.webp
Donetsk, 2020s.
*[] Still in the 21st century, some argue that the true wealth of countries lies in their mineral wealth or metallurgical production (or at least, they are better economic indicators than GDP). Which is debatable to some extent.
Because it is true that with its mineral wealth and metallurgical production, Russia has benefited a lot.
In modern times, after the modernization of the metallurgy sector (first in the industrial revolution under Alexander III and second in the Birdcage Economy under Nicholas II), Russia produces more than 1,053 Mt (Million Metric Tones) of steel.
Far surpassing the rest of Europe, the United States, India and Japan (the other main producers outside Covenant-Russian influence).
Despite events such as the pandemic in the late 2010s, Russian steel production rose 5%, while that of the US, India and Europe fell between 17% and 9%. Demonstrating the robustness of the Russian economy.
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[Manchu Way revival in the Russian Empire]
Although Manchu borrows some words and sounds from Mongolian and Chinese (distinguishing it from Northern Tungus languages), the Manchu language comes mainly from Jurchen (which more or less became the Manchu we know today in the 17th century).
Although there is often talk of the Sinicization of the Manchu during the Qing Dynasty (the Manchus adopting the culture of the conquered Han), it is not usually mentioned that there were Jurchen-Chinese and Manchu-Chinese dictionaries (which played a very important role in the Russian Empire's projects to revitalize the cultures of its Manchu citizens, result mostly of the Russian expansion in North China). And such dictionaries were made mainly made by Han Chinese during imperial times (in short, it was other factors and not the lack of written material that ended up condemning the use of Manchu during the late Qing dynasty).
Daiqin Quanshu is the first Manchu dictionary to survive in modern times (and was made by Hong Zhao in 1682).
*The earliest Manchu grammar book to survive is from 1730, Qingwen Qimen, by Shou Ping.
To understand how bad the Manchu language was, one has to understand that in the late XIX century, among the Manchus themselves, Xibe, Daur and other ethnic groups (generally encompassing a territory from Xinjiang to Manchuria), there were barely 40,000 people who spoke the language.
A minuscule amount, when compared to the languages to the north and south.
When the Russians started trying to revive the Manchu language in the late rule of Alexander III and the early rule of Nicholas II, with the help of upper class people from the conquered territories, two camps were formed.
Those who wanted to develop a Manchu community (national identity, ethno-cultural group or other terms can be used for this) as a new identity or entity (mostly formed by power holders from the conquered territories from various ethnic-cultural backgrounds, such as Han Chinese) and those who were trying to 'redeem' the so-called Manchu Way (of which only a few were actually Manchu) .
The central government supported both factions to some extent, and we could argue which one 'win'. We could argue at first glance, that the Manchu Way faction ended up winning.
In a victory, which partly represents the microcosm of multi-ethnic societies like the Russian Empire: "Plurality of cultures within one united culture".
Just as all the different groups in the Russian Empire are Russians (Rossiyane - regardless of their ethno-cultural background), different ethnic groups became "Manchu" under the cultural revitalization campaigns of the Russian Empire.
When he was still the Tsesarevich, Nicholas Alexandrovich (later Nicholas II), recreated the Cossack hosts of Russia with citizens of Inner Manchuria, under the decree/permission of his father.
These Manchurian hosts were also part of the revival of Manchu culture, as some of them became banners (旗, qi). Which precisely has its origins in the Manchu clan structures, which was now modified with elements of Cossack and Russian culture.
These banners were a multi-ethnic corporations or companies, encouraged to carry out projects to revive the Manchu culture, and at the same time all the bannermen were considered Manchus (in a rather broad sense of the word), even if they were ethnically Mongolian, Russian-Cossack, Korean or Chinese (a vision that rather aligns with the factions of a new Manchu entity, and not with the redemption of the Manchu Way).
*Which we could argue is an actual return to an even more older Manchu identity.
The Kangxi Emperor (r. 1662-1722) during his rule had changed the 'description' of the Manchu people. From a varied, inclusive set of ethnicities that shared a common political goal of overthrowing the Ming dynasty, to a people with a common ancestry and culture (which is why in some of his successors, mainly Qianlong, those bannermen who could not trace their family tree to the Jianzhou Federation were shifted to the categories of Han or Mongol, not Manchu).
The more things change, the more they remain the same...*
It was precisely the introduction of various elements, which led to the revival of the 'Manchu Way'. It is not exactly the same Manchu culture as before or during the Qing Dynasty, but it was an important step in recreating the study and proliferation of the language within various areas of the Russian Empire (giving rise to areas of lower administrative level, where Manchu is one of the languages recognized and used within local autonomies).
The family, military and multicultural structure of the Manchu identity was once again recreated, using another socio-cultural organization as a base (such as the Cossack, arguably similar to a certain extent).
Creating hosts, small owners, farmers and merchants 'Manchu' or who began to recreate a more Manchu identity together with the projects of the Russian government (such as Manchu language classes, Manchu language study centers, etc).
Though of course some argue that this revived Manchu identity is less legitimate than the old Manchu identity.
That in reality the majority of 'Manchu people' in the Russian Empire are more like a 'Potemkin village-people' (rather a facade of people, than a 'real' people).
Although it is true that a new Manchu entity was 'unified', and in theory this new Manchu hosts-banners revive the Manchu language, military skills, origin myths, customs and practices (and even Manchu names), it is argued that as a result of the hosts, the primary role of the Manchu is to be loyal to Moscow. While speaking Manchu, training horse riding and archery, wearing side-buttoned clothing and belonging to a clan with Manchu name is rather secondary.
But how much of this is the result of the Moscow project and how much is the result of the creation of a Russo-Manchu citizenship is debatable.
Among the unexpected effects of the 'recreation' of Manchuria in the Russian Empire during the 20th century are:
Spread of Orthodox Christianity among the Manchu.
Expansion of different versions of Russian Eurasianism among the Manchu.
Greater expansion of Eastern philosophies in the Russian Empire, with an egalitarian side (coming from Manchu tendencies) and a Confucian side (from Han Chinese and Korean tendencies).
*[]: Knowing only little more than a word of Manchu at the end of his life, Puyi had little trouble with the Manchus of the Russian Empire (whether 'legitimate' or not).
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[Korea - Northern and Southern division]
Determinists and ideologues often point out that the North is rich and the South is poor. Although it is true that there are cases and exceptions, we tend to speak of the underdeveloped or developing world as a Global South (even when part of it is not in the southern hemisphere), and we speak of a rich or developed Global North.
Ignoring the reason for this division and the fundamental causes of this situation (which go beyond saying 'northerns have more entrepreneurial spirit'), we have a very interesting parallelism in the Korean Peninsula within the Russian Empire.
A North that goes ahead, and a South that goes second.
In the north, despite its mountainous terrain, many cities and industries were greatly developed by the need for connections with Russian Manchuria (and the aforementioned Asian trade routes that pass through the northern peninsula).
In the south of the peninsula, only a couple of cities closely linked to maritime trade or mainland trade routes developed during most of Korean modern history. Leaving a large part of the region as a rather rural environment (prosperous and stable, but 'underdeveloped' in terms of economic diversity or production of goods beyond raw materials - which is not necessarily bad, but the capitalist market constantly seeks to grow, and the Southern parts of the peninsula did not grow too much until the mid-late XX century).
That gave rise to an interesting socio-economic division during the early twentieth century, well into the 50s and 60s.
We see this division and minor changes in internal relations between Koreans, when looking at something as simple as the origin and consumption of electricity in the country.
The villages and cities of the northern administrative divisions (and we are talking about the entire north of the peninsula) were electrified much earlier, and important thermal and hydroelectric power plants were developed in this region (leading them to produce four times the energy of the southern regions).
What eventually forced the southern parts of the peninsula to depend heavily on the north, with regard to its energy needs.
Sometimes, they were surprisingly high, mainly because of the port cities and the military forces in the area (as a result, several politicians from the norther korean administrative division asked their compatriots from the south to reduce energy consumption - which the southerners never did we must add).
In this, the southerners also earned a bad reputation among some northerners, due to the emergence of certain stereotypes due to these socio-economic divisions (such as that they consumed cigarettes in excess, that they were greedy or that they left a lot of garbage).
Of course it does not reach points of serious conflict, but in a region as large as the Korean peninsula (within an even larger country), it is impossible to prevent certain differences or divisions of various characters from arising.
The south of the peninsula did not begin to be really competitive with the north, until the arrival of nuclear energy and the economic explosion of Asian partners (Northern Chinese states and Southeast Asia), which of course also benefited the north.
As a result, the socio-economic divisions are less, but we still see other types of political or socio-cultural divisions present within the Korean peninsula.
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[Republic of China - 10 years more]
Liao Zhongkai was elected President of the Republic of China in 1928, as many insiders and outsiders had expected due to his role in the last civil war, and his popularity among all classes of citizens of Southern China.
Historically, Liao Zhongkai's victory begins a 10-year period, before Chinese Trotskyism's takeover in the late 1930s.
Although levels of instability are not seen as in previous civil wars and there are not too many conflicts with the outside, factionalism does result in several internal struggles within the Republic of China. That mostly tried to implement internal reforms towards the socialization of its economy, industrialization and implementation of various reforms of a socio-political nature.
One of the most important cliques of this period was, of course, the alliance between Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao and Zhang Wentian (supported by the Russian politician Lev Trotsky).
This alliance focused on strengthening its influence within the military and militants of the Communist Party of China, peasants and industrial proletarians, while undermining the influence of people like Rosamond Soong Ching-ling (Madame Sun Yat-sen) or the Shanghai clique (directed by Zhou Enlai), after successfully getting rid of Li Dazhao (who had rivaled Chen Duxiu for the position of General Secretary of the CPC).
Which was possible thanks to the alliance of the KMT led by President Liao Zhongkai, with the CPC (alliance forged during the civil war).
Though of course, even the CPC's governmental position under Chen Duxiu had limitations. Because directly attacking figures like Rosamond Soong Ching-ling could be detrimental to the cause of Chinese Trotskyism, and there was a growing gap between the Euro-Communists and the Chinese Communists (problems in the CPC due to relationships with other Communist organizations), which put in danger the party's unity.
A position that led the CPC Central Committee (influenced by Chen Duxiu and Zhang Guotao, who led the party's technocratic, urban, militant and military factions) to vote in favor of a break with the "right-wing elements" that threatened the party.
Giving rise to the implementation of 'New Defensive Tactics' among Communist militants, directed against possible revisionists of the Party and "social democrats", which is rather a vague term used at the time for various 'enemies' (this essentially included further consolidation of communist militias and their activity in various centers of power, interfering with the administrative-democratic process).
Although this move improved the position of Chen Duxiu and Zhang Guotao, it caused a significant rift between the duo (and Trotsky) with Zhang Wentian, who saw his 'fellow factions' seek to stifle or limit the resources of the peasant and rural factions (under the influence of Zhang Wentian himself).
What triggered the May 3 Incident, when in Nanjing a fight was waged between Communist militants, between followers of Chen Duxiu and other followers of Zhang Wentian. Resulting in various deaths on both sides.
Zhang Wentian instead of waiting for his expulsion soon allied himself with the 'Revolutionary Faction' or Revolutionary KMT-CPC led by Rosamond Soong Ching-ling.
Escaping with his followers from retaliation by the Central Committee, which resulted in the strengthening of the Revolutionary Faction and weakness of the CPC.
President Liao Zhongkai made an agreement between both sides of the conflict to avoid a new civil war, resulting in the Tripartite Era of the Republic of China (with a government essentially formed by the KMT, the Revolutionary Faction and the CPC of Chen Duxiu - the position of other parties continued to deteriorate in the face of the advance of these three parties in their political movements).
Chen Duxiu and Zhang Guotao would never pardon the traitor that was Zhang Wentian, but the betrayal would pay off to some degree, as it would be the beginning of Rosamond Soong Ching-ling's downfall later on.
With Zhang Wentian gone and the concessions to the CPC, Chen Duxiu, although he had fewer men, still had significant capacity for action and political power. Essentially there was a duarchy in the CPC.
And this duarchy formed by Chen Duxiu and Zhang Guotao (supported by Trotsky), took advantage of Zhang Wentian's betrayal to spread this news to the international communist movement and reform the Chinese militant movement.
The European Socialist Union and Russia were not going to support Zhang Wentian (because he had betrayed the ESU before, and because Zhang Wentian was not in the interest of the Russians), cutting off his supply of support abroad, and weakening his militants (which strengthened the CPC under Chen Duxiu in the medium-long term, while its militants absorbed new groups or bid for support from abroad).
The Chinese Trotskyists also understood that a fight between Zhang Wentian and Rosamond Soong Ching-ling was inevitable, the Chinese Trotskyists just had to wait for the right moment to take advantage of such a break.
Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao and Lev Trotsky even supported more moderate measures in their Chinese socialism, to try to get more support from abroad (with rather mixed results actually, but the intention counts a bit...).
The incident of May 3, 1928 is a somewhat controversial event in the modern Zhōngguó (中国)/Republic of China, but this is only a testament to its importance.
Without this event the tripartite epoch of the Republic would have been quite different, perhaps Chinese Trotskyism would never have come to power or survived as it did (which would change a lot of modern Southern Chinese history).
*[] As for President Liao Zhongkai, he is appreciated as a diplomat and leader during the civil war, but his willingness to appeasement after the civil war leaves room for some controversy. If he had been more active or militant in the post-war period, many things would have changed.
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(OOC: A surprise section for the TL).
[Proposals of a Jewish State on the XX century]
On March 28 of 1928, the creation of a new territory for the settlement of the Jews ("On the attaching of free territory for the settlement of the Jews.") was proposed in the Duma of the Russian Empire, or in other terms used at that time, the creation of a "Jewish Autonomous Region/Oblast" was proposed to the Russian government.
This would have meant the creation of an autonomous Jewish territorial and administrative unit in the Russian Empire (like those enjoyed by other ethno-religious groups of people on the Empire).
Historically throughout the people of Jewish history, there have been various attempts to create a Jewish state or a Jewish land after the destruction of ancient Israel. The Jewish Autonomous Oblast proposal is just another example.
The free territory near the Amur River in the Far East, the territory of Korol'grad, Crimea, Ukraine and Manchuria were proposed.
All options rejected by the majority of the left, center or right in the Duma.
*The territory in the Far East (including Manchuria), did not really attract the attention of Jewish political groups. And it was not really supported either by the left or the right of the Duma.
*The territory of Korol'grad was actually supported as a "good idea" by some Yiddish and socialist Jewish groups, but they were in the minority compared to the rest of the left. And obviously the Russian right was more than against 'ceding' a conquered territory like Korol'grad to the Russian Jews.
*Crimea and Ukraine were some of the most Jewish-inhabited territories in the Empire, but the political groups in the area (be it Left-wing or Right-wing) did not want to see their territorial units re-organized for the construction of Jewish autonomy.
The idea was ultimately not accepted, although it did not really die.
Jewish political groups, generally more oriented towards a Yiddish culture-language and Bundism (rather than modern Hebrew and other ideologies), continued to support to some extent, the idea of an autonomous Jewish unit in the Empire.
These groups also supported or proposed, to a certain extent, the idea of creating a Jewish state/autonomy in the territory of East Germany and the Polish lands after World War III.
Non-political, Zionists or/and right-wingers Jews and non-Jewish groups between the Left and the Right rejected the idea for one reason or another (either nationalism, indifference or different ideas about the Jews as an ethnic-cultural group within the Empire).
*Some insist that this type of decision should rather be submitted to a referendum rather than to the central government, but the truth is that in most cases, Jews and non-Jews of the Empire would vote against the creation of the JAR (Jewish Autonomous Region).*
The idea of Jewish autonomy also never got much attention because:
1-The large number of Jews in the Russian Empire (a number large enough in an extensive territory, that supports rather not reduce it to a single territory).
2-The idea that it could repeat the Pale of Settlement, which existed during the most anti-Semitic times of the Russian Empire.
3-Regionalisms or nationalisms that did not want to see the creation of said territorial-administrative unit.
In any case, during the 20th century there are still proposals for the creation of a Jewish State in some part of the world.
The first half of the 20th century and part of the second half currently had a certain force, due to the systematic murder of Jews (among other ethno-cultural groups) during the times of the Imperial Federation and World War III.
Even in Ha'il there were proposals for a Jewish state (under Arab suzerainty, of course), but the state ultimately always rejected these proposals (whether inside the country or outside it). At most Ha'il has supported the idea of resettling Jews in another part of the world, but Ha'il has so far historically, never accepted the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine (or an independent Arab Palestine, but that's another topic...).
Among the proposals for a Jewish state in the 20th century we find:
Theodor Herzl, Jewish of old Austro-Hungarian roots, proposed a Jewish state in Cyprus or El Arish (Sinai Peninsula) in the early XX century.
Idea currently rejected by Cilicia (which has the territory of Cyprus) and Ha'il (Egypt).
A Russian Jewish doctor named Dr M. L. Rothstein proposed the establishment of a Jewish state in the territory of al-Hasa (historical territory on Eastern Arabia, today Ha'il) on September 1917.
Some Jewish-Zionist refugees of British origin proposed in 1935-1937, the idea of a Jewish national entity on Albania. Idea today rejected by Southern balkan countries like Albania and Greece.
Kimberley Plan, post-Holocaust plan by Russian 'Anarchist' or Left-wing Socialist, Isaac Nachman Steinberg, to resettle Jewish refugees in the Kimberley region of Australia. Rejected by post-war government.
Jewish groups proposed a Jewish state in Russian East Africa or Madagaskar several times. Rejected by Russian and natives.
During WW3 there was a Russian government proposal of a new Jewish Autonomous Region, but this time in New Archangel/Novo-Arkhangelsk, Alyaska.
President Ho Chi Minh proposed between 1946 and 1966, in the post-war world, the resettlement of Jews in Vietnam.
Marie Bonaparte, great-niece of Napoleon I Bonaparte, proposed to the United States and the United Mexican States the creation of a Jewish state in the Baja California peninsula during WW3.
Proposal that was even later taken to the UN, but was rejected for various reasons.[]
*[] Some time later, it was proposed that Japanese-Americans should buy the peninsula of Baja California, to form a second Japanese state in the region (as oposed to the actual post-imperial Japanese state formed in 1937).