Part XXVII: Return of the King

May 1, 1941. Just Outside Tirana, Albania.

With nearly a year of constant fighting under his belt, Koçi Xoxe could confidently assert that the waiting was the most difficult part of any operation. This operation however had its own set of distinctive challenges that made the waiting even more unbearable. Knowing that the entire Albanian resistance could perish in a moment with one errant shot or explosion had kept him up the past few nights and raced through his mind even now as his eyes scanned the cluster of buildings in front of them.

In his mind, Zog's argument that he needed to lead this particular mission still didn't make sense to him. He understood the King's desire for additional legitimacy and the propaganda value, but there had to be a better way…

Then again…perhaps he was influenced by the other "home front"…

Rumors travelled fast in the resistance and despite all their attempts at subtlety, both the King and Parashqevi Qiriazi had utterly failed at concealing not only their affair but their recent falling out. Given their quasi-parental relationship with the rest of the resistance this was cause for a fair bit of consternation yet, as far as Koçi knew, the exact cause of their argument remained something for speculation. Perhaps it did stem from Zog's insistence to return to the frontlines, he'd been participating in the advanced training with the new recruits for months now. By all accounts, the training had created an unparalleled bond between them, perhaps Zog had gotten caught up with that as well? Yet if that were the case why conceal it? After all, he wasn't concealing the fact that the mere fact of his presence here had caused a rift with Musa Juka…

Koçi shook his head and attempted to focus on the task at hand. It was far more likely that the months of recovery he needed after the Battle of Tirana had driven the king a bit stir crazy. He probably needed to personally strike back at the Italians to remain sane amidst all the news of betrayals and atrocities from around the country. Though it was true that Zog had a host of other talents that the resistance desperately needed, Koçi could understand how maddening it might be to remain at the rear when one possessed the talents he had for fighting. Yet was that not the burden of the crown?

Just. Stop.

To try and keep his mind from going in circles around the issue for what seemed like the millionth time, Koçi checked his weapon again. It wasn't quite the same as the Hyde Model 34 he'd used during the Battle of Tirana, but the new "Mark 3" seemed to be a fine replacement. Production had obviously been streamlined and corners had been cut to bring the cost down, but the fundamental core of the weapon, the ability to send twenty rounds of 9mm Parabellum downrange with reasonable accuracy, remained unchanged. A large part of this success stemmed from the continued use of the Model 34's magazine and emphasis on what the king called "Ergonomics." A few extra pieces and a consideration of how soldiers would use the weapon in combat had gone a long way towards maintaining performance. The only real difference was that the Mark 3 was being built and repaired in small machine shops all around Europe. Koçi had no doubt that the Italians wouldn't be the only ones to rue the existence of the weapon before the war was over. (1)

As if to punctuate his point, the faint telltale Brrrrt of the Mark 3 suddenly pierced the silence which enrobed the Central Albanian plain tonight. Mustafa Xhani, better known these days as Baba Faja Martineshi had obviously confronted the assassins Vërlaci had sent to kill the head of his order: Dedebaba Sali Njazi Dede. (2) A handful of scattered shots rang out in reply followed by another Brrrrt. Hopefully, that meant that Martineshi had managed to kill at least one of the assassins and that the leader of the Bektashi sect remained alive. What would it say to the Albanian people if the Zogists couldn't protect the one religious leader who refused to kowtow to the occupation?

Sali Njazi Dede.jpg

Sali Njazi Dede,1876-, Elected head of the Bektashi Order in 1930​

Well, not quite…

Up until today, Njazi Dede had attempted to maintain a policy of scrupulous neutrality, refusing to endorse either Zog or the occupation in an attempt to balance the increasingly polarizing politics of his order. To date, the Protestants remained the only "religion" to fully endorse Zog and commit to the resistance. Given that there were only a few hundred Protestants in the whole country, Koçi didn't really count them. Officially, the Orthodox were also in that camp, but given that almost half the churches, including the one he'd attended as a child, had shifted their allegiance to Vissarion when he became Vërlaci's lickspittle, he had trouble counting his co-religionists. A handful of Catholic and Muslim leaders had also aligned with Zog, but they were still very much in the minority. If they wanted to shake the growing perception that Zog and the Resistance were completely opposed to tradition, they needed to succeed here.

Moreso, they needed solid proof that Zog was not only back to his old self but cared deeply about the fates of religious Albanians living under the occupation. So, as soon as the first shots had been fired, Koçi, Zog, Enver, and the rest of the commandos roared into action, rocketing down the road towards the compound in their modified FIAT 15-ter truck. For much of their trip north from Drenova, their vehicle had resembled one of the countless other WWI- vintage Italian trucks which plied the roads of Albania. Covered with mud and piled high with hay, none of the Italian or Vërlaci patrols had paid them any mind. Had they looked closer they would have found not only a compartment carrying Zog, his commandos, and their weapons, but a heavily modified vehicle. A new American 6 Cylinder Chrysler 77 engine provided twice the horsepower which, when combined with the truck's new gearbox, made it one of the fastest vehicles in the country. (3)

That speed came in particularly handy now, as they approached and found that, just as Zog predicted, the handful of police stationed outside had responded to the sound of gunfire by moving in and opening fire in support of the assassin. Suspecting an assassination attempt, the King had directed his sources accordingly and had thus known about the plot since its inception. (4) A few details had remained fuzzy, such as the complicity of the local law enforcement, but they had prepared accordingly and were thus more than able to open fire on the unsuspecting policemen just as they had done moments earlier to the confused Dervishes. First, of course, Enver took aim with his grenade launcher and sent an illumination round hurtling into the black expanse above. Then they all watched in the white glow of the burning phosphorous as Zog expertly used a series of controlled, targeted bursts to mow the advancing policemen down like chaff at harvest time.

With the camera rolling of course…

As intrusive as the Cine-Kodak camera and its operator was to their operation, Koçi recognized the footage's propaganda value. Given that most of the Albanian populace was still illiterate, the films produced by Zog's crews had been the most effective way of advancing his ideology in the countryside before the war. That same infrastructure was now being used to advance their cause during the war and they desperately needed new footage to augment their existing stocks. Apparently, audiences were getting tired of the same shots from Durres and Tirana and the small scale hit and run raids that were wearing down the occupation didn't draw the same interest. Perhaps they'd be a bit more interested in cheering their King's triumphant return to action?

Pulling up to the compound, Koçi breathed a sigh of relief as Zog did not emulate his performance at the Battle of Tirana and instead followed the plan. Rather than lead a charge into the building, the King manned the machine gun while the rest of the commandos leapt out of the truck and took action. Working together, they quickly neutralized the pair of surviving policemen before proceeding inside. There they found that, despite taking a half dozen casualties of their own, the Dervishes under Martineshi's leadership had not only thwarted the attempt on the Dedebaba's life but captured one of the pair of assassins initially sent to the tekke.

Despite having neutralized the threat, confusion still reigned as Njazi Dede was too shell shocked to say anything coherent and Martineshi simply didn't command the authority necessary to gain control over the situation. Fortunately, the King stepped in and in a commanding but respectful tone, approached Njazi Dede and addressed him directly. "Dedebaba it's no longer safe for you here. The Italians and their collaborators have already sent more men. You need to come with us."

The deafening silence in the room proved to be helpful as the Dedebaba's mumbled assent was barely audible. Fortunately, his next words were not, "What about the rest of my bothers? How can you guarantee their safety?"

The king's mouth tightened slightly before he replied, "I cannot." He paused for a moment "Nor would I recommend they stay here. We have space for a few more wounded men on our truck along with the assassin, but the rest of you will have to make your way however you can, on foot if you must. If they would like to join the resistance, they can speak to Martineshi." Turning to the rest of the Bektashi gathered in the room he continued "Remember what you saw here. Your order tried to be neutral and look where it got you. I respected and continue to respect your decision, but I could not stand by and ignore the attack on your order. I will bring the Dedebaba to safety and then he will be free to make his own decision as will the rest of you. Unfortunately, I think tonight has shown that neutrality is not an option the Italians will accept. You will have to choose which side you are on."

With that, Zog beckoned the Dedebaba to follow him and to the elderly man's credit, he was able to make it to the truck under his own power. Koçi and the other commandos moved to help the pair of monks wounded in the confrontation into the truck alongside the now unconscious assassin. As they were both young and their wounds looked non-life threatening, they probably had a good chance of surviving the trip, albeit not comfortably. Rather than risking another covert journey south by truck down the roads, the next phase of their journey would take them east over the mountains. They would follow the roads as far as they could where, hopefully they would meet up with the mule train Zog had arranged to take them to the nearby resistance base. If the Italians weren't too far behind, the plan was for a few other resistance members to attempt to use the truck to transport weapons and supplies to the struggling northern Çetas.

So far it seemed like Zog's plan would continue to work. The Tirana they travelled through had hardly changed since the fighting nine months ago. With the new "capitol" of Albania now located in Vërlaci's Elbasan estate, the town's population had atrophied to beneath Ottoman era levels. Unlike the Bektashi who had remained in their compound near the city to avoid making a political statement, the majority of Tiranans who remained in the city did so because they had no other option than to scratch out a living next to the central Albanian shepherds who had moved in. As a result of this depopulation, the Italian garrison had become correspondingly light. Ostensibly, the Italians were depending on Xhemal Zogu and his Mati traitors to provide order, but they were far more interested with lining their pockets than actually fighting the resistance. Similar stories were playing themselves out throughout the rest of Northern Albania as the bajraktars returned to their time honoured tradition of bilking the Tosks and whoever else they could with their promises of security. As much as Koçi fretted that they'd eventually back up their rhetoric against Zog's proposed reforms with actions, he had to admit that so far Zog's decision to call their bluffs had been the right one. (5)

As Koçi and the remaining commandos made their way to the truck with the wounded monks he heard the gathered monks begin to mutter among themselves. Suddenly, a tentative murmur arose from one of the men which grew in intensity, strength, and volume as more and more men joined it until it reverberated off the walls.

"Rroftë Mbreti Zogu I Madh!" (6)

He could only hope that they would maintain that attitude in the fighting to come.

Notes

1. See Part XI for more details. TTL's Hyde Mark 3 is basically a cross between the M3 and the Sten with a bit of future influence from Zog. Visually it looks a lot like a Błyskawica SMG but with a better magazine, internals that are closer to the Hyde 1934, and some future influenced ergonomic choices.

2. Martineshi and Dede are both OTL Bektashi figures in Albania. Martineshi was one of the first to resist the Italian occupation and Sali Njazi Dede was assassinated on November 28, 1941 in OTL for the same reasons being targeted in TTL. In TTL, the failure of the Italians to woo a significant number of Albanian liberals to their cause forces them to appeal to culturally conservative Albanians earlier and thus go after the Bektashi earlier.

3. Feel free to nitpick this vehicle. The engine displacements match, but I couldn't find more information. In OTL the Italians were still using the FIAT 15-ter in rear areas as late as 1940 and tens of thousands were manufactured at the end of WWI/early 1920s.

4. This is increasingly how Jack's foreknowledge will play itself out. Now, more than a decade out, he can't predict events anymore, but he can look for where history "rhymes" and prepare accordingly.

5. This strategy is quite similar to OTL. Poor infrastructure in Albania makes the occupation expensive, and the Italians are facing a number of other constraints which would lead them to rely on locals much like they did in OTL Albania, Yugoslavia, and Greece at this phase in the war. As for the atrophying of Tirana, it is important to note that the region's population didn't really take off until the Communist period and only achieved its current dominance due to the political and economic realities of the post-Communist period when the artificial prosperity of the city achieved an unstoppable momentum. Had the capitol been moved at any point prior to the 1950s, which was considered in OTL interestingly enough (I'm not telling where due to spoilers). I believe it would have reverted to the small farm town it had been before it had been selected.

6. "Long Live King Zog the Great!"

(Excerpted from Cornelius Reese "Europe's Last Warrior King" 2011)

…Zog's unexpected return to action in May 1941 shook the nascent Vërlaci Regency government and the Italian occupation it supported to the core. Though, by this point, even the most optimistic had abandoned hope that Zog had perished from injuries suffered during the Battle of Tirana, many still held out hope that he had been permanently incapacitated. A vain attempt to preserve the legitimacy of the Regency by claiming that the man in the subsequent propaganda films was a body double quickly fell on deaf ears. Anyone who watched the films knew that despite some aesthetic changes, the man before them was undoubtedly King Zog of the Albanians. When combined with the Regency's increasingly unpopular economic policies, Italian military setbacks both in Albania and abroad, as well as growing rumors of Italian atrocities, Zog's reappearance threatened the complete collapse of the fragile occupation system erected in October 1940.

Yet, contrary to the propaganda of the late 1940s which sought to downplay Zog's radicalism and elevate the rescue of Sali Njazi Dede to match Zog's deeds both before and afterward, it was not the ultimate factor which precipitated the Great National Uprising of May 1941. Indeed, Albanian historians have abandoned efforts to pin the uprising's cause on any single event. In doing so, they have essentially given in to the revisionist camp which consistently argued for the revolutionary nature of the Zogist program. The sharp contrast between nearly a decade of consistent economic growth under Zog and the immediate sharp downturn both domestically and abroad under the Vërlaci regime's policies created a truly revolutionary atmosphere which bore striking similarities to those in Russia, Spain, China, and others.(7) Forced to watch their country atrophy before their very eyes, large swaths of Albanians became convinced that nothing short of radical change would suffice. Even without the drama surrounding Njazi Dede's rescue, most historians agree that, despite the controversy surrounding the use of the term, the "revolutionary" pressure which drove the events of May 1941 would have inevitably exploded under any circumstance.

At most, the initial German victories in Operation Barbarossa would have delayed any uprising until the Fall of Tripoli initiated a series of events which announced the turning tide of the war. As advantageous as an alternate Uprising in Fall 1941 or Spring 1942 would have been for the Zogists, the events which followed the rescue of the Dedebaba completely caught the normally prescient king off guard and undoubtedly played a key role in determining the timing of the uprising. They did so by providing a clear signal to all Albanians, even those still to be convinced or unconvinced by the growing revolutionary fervor, that maintaining a neutral stance was simply not possible. This signal, not Zog's willingness to put himself in harms' way and gun down a few collaborating policemen, proved to be far more influential given that, despite growing radicalization, most Albanians supported neither Vërlaci nor Zog and were far more concerned with staying alive in the tumultuous years to come. Only when the Occupation stripped the choice of remaining neutral away from them did the vast majority of Albanians side, often with great hesitation, with the resistance.(8)

They pursued this policy, not out of malice or incompetence, as is so often suspected, but rather, like so many regimes that make unfathomable decisions, because they believed they had no other choice. Their initial hope that they would be able to woo a significant number of Zog's supporters to gird their support from the Albanian aristocracy had completely vanished by spring 1941. This failure left Jacomoni and Soddu with few other avenues for building sufficient local support to secure the country. Northern chieftains, even the Catholic Mirdita tribe, were notoriously independent and could not be relied on more than they already were, nor could the occupation prod the aristocracy into further contributions. Thus, the Italian occupation turned to the Albanian Second Estate as it sought to position itself as the defender of tradition against Zog's aim of completely transforming the country, and in so doing found some success, particularly among the leaders of the Albanian Sunni community.(9)

Support for the policy among the rest of Albania's religious communities was less enthusiastic. As already mentioned, the Catholic community was notoriously tribal and independent, and while many Orthodox churches officially recognized the Italian appointed Patriarch Vissarion, these acknowledgements had done nothing to dent Zog's increasing dominance of the political loyalties of Albanians south of the River Shkumbin. The ardently neutral Bektashi Order, which had refused to move its headquarters from Tirana despite the city's destruction lest it violate said neutrality, remained the pro-occupation Regency's political coalition's only avenue for expansion. So, together with Vërlaci, Soddu and Jacomoni pursued the order's explicit endorsement early in 1941, believing that the increasing radicalism of Zog's forces, coupled with the German defeat of France and the impending success of Italy's offensive in Libya would sway the order. These efforts reached a crescendo in April 1941 when Jacomoni visited Dedebaba Sali Njazi Dede in Tirana hoping to convince him to write an anti-Zogist editorial similar to the ones already published by the leaders of the Albanian Muslim community. After hours of fierce debate in the halls of the Bektashi , Njazi Dede brought the conversation to a close with his later famous statement "I am the spiritual leader of the Bektashi, not a member of a political party, as such I do not undertake political work." (10)

According to Jacomoni's postwar testimony, he greenlit the assassination attempt on Njazi Dede less than an hour later after conferring with Soddu and Vërlaci in the hopes that the appointment of a new pro-Italian leader would bring the Order over to the side of the Occupation. Though everyone recognized that this would not guarantee the support of every member of an increasingly divided order, Soddu hoped that the increase in support would prove sufficient to safeguard the repairs to damaged oil infrastructure around Fier and Vlora. As laughable as such a plan seems to many modern observers, the fact that roughly twenty percent of the Bektashi order broke with Njazi Dede after his survival and subsequent endorsement of Zog not to mention the King's enthusiastic participation in the rescue of the Dedebaba demonstrates its appeal and the Occupation's corresponding willingness to pursue such a policy.(11)

Yet, it bears repeating that Zog never intended to spark a national uprising with the rescue of Njazi Dede. Instead, Zog intended the rescue of the Dedebaba to facilitate a gradual increase in both the numbers and breadth of the resistance' recruitment efforts as his plan for a mass uprising was still years in the future. The King's journals from prior to his rescue of Njazi Dede note that he believed his forces had neither the training nor equipment necessary for a successful uprising nor was the timing correct. Nor did he shape the Dedebaba's statement on May 7, 1941 when, impressed not only by Zog's timely intervention in Tirana, but the King's refusal to compel any concessions in exchange, the Dedebaba took to the airwaves and print in a decisive fashion. Though the latter proved far more influential given the small number of radios in the country at the time, both messages delivered the same message. "…Our country, our faiths, have no future under the Italians or their Vërlaci lapdogs. The values of Fascism are not the values of the Bektashi Order nor the values of Albania. Though I am not a politician and do not usually make political statements, the attempt on my life clearly illustrates this fact and compels me to make these statements. As the leader of the Bektashi Order I call upon everyone to do whatever they can to combat the so-called "Regency." For some that might mean taking up arms, for others tending to the wounded, for others, simple acts of non-compliance and kindness… As an Albanian, I have less authority, yet I appeal to the great many things all of our faiths have in common to implore everyone to do the same. Above all I ask that no one lose hope in the justness of our cause. Albania will be free again."

Unfortunately for Zog, the surprisingly prescient ruler had failed to account for the growing radicalism of the Albanian ulema and traditionalists within the Bektashi Order and was caught completely off guard by the attacks on "reformist" elements of the Bektashi order which followed Njazi Dede's endorsement of the resistance. Enraged by not only their plan's failure, but the fact that it had been personally thwarted by Zog himself under their very noses, Vërlaci and Soddu overrode Jacomoni's concerns and pushed for immediate reprisals. Though these began peacefully enough, with the election of a new pro-Italian Dedebaba and arrests of several known pro-Zogist Bektashi figures, events quickly spiraled out of control as they attempted to install their new Dedebaba in the order's Tirana headquarters. The brief firefight which preceded the slaughter of all the compound's occupants, set off a chain of events that made almost every Bektashi an enemy of the Regency. Spurred on by Islamic extremists who believed that the order's destruction would pave the way for a consolidation of Muslim strength and piety in Albania, the Italian occupying forces found themselves caught up in the frenzy lest they lose the only major source of Albanian support they had. By the middle of May 1941, nearly two thousand Bektashi lay dead or arrested while thousands more had been forced to flee for their lives to the hills. (12)

Support for the Regency dropped to all time lows outside of the Central Albanian plain (13) and Zog's orders for a limited counter-offensive quickly became moot as the decentralized nature of the resistance allowed many çetas to respond to the desires of their members, seizing local strategic initiative with larger actions. As his fighters liberated village after village from the Italians, Zog believed he had no other choice than to push forward with a hastily drawn up general uprising lest he lose credibility with the more radical revolutionary elements of his coalition. In keeping with his penchant for propaganda and leading from the front, Zog regained the incipient revolution's momentum by gathering the troops available to him around Drenova and personally leading the advance on Korça. Despite being heavily outnumbered by the Italian garrison, Zog knew that months of incessant guerrilla attacks had destroyed the garrison's morale and left it vulnerable. So vulnerable in fact, that papers captured after its liberation on May 23, showed that the garrison's commander had been considering both a partial and full withdrawal since the beginning of Zog's counter offensive.

Korça's fall transformed the situation facing the Italians from untenable to a complete disaster. Prior to that point, Soddu firmly maintained that despite logistical difficulties and low morale, the sheer numerical superiority of Italian and Regency aligned forces would be sufficient to restore order. As late as May 21, Soddu firmly believed that Zog's forces might take a handful of villages, but these small triumphs would only serve to draw his forces out of hiding so that the forces already at his disposal could engage them more effectively. This strategy collapsed shortly after Zog's liberation of Korça as news reached Soddu of not only the Korça garrison's surrender at Pogradec, but of similar setbacks at Gjirokaster, Permet, and Berat.(14) With the resistance seemingly omnipresent and now possessing a terrifying amount of firepower due to both Zog's stockpiling and the arrival of captured weapons from North Africa, Soddu quickly concluded that any attempt to retake Korça in force would leave his forces, and more importantly the vital oil infrastructure around Fier and Vlora, dangerously exposed. News from the north was little better. Though no major cities had fallen, the tribes remained recalcitrant to commit additional forces to shore up failing defenses in the south. Most concerning was the response of the Catholic Mirdita tribe which refused to provide any additional troops, citing concerns with bands of Serbian and Montenegrin nationalists along the Yugoslav border.(15)

The liberation of Korça similarly changed the situation facing the Zogists as it cemented the growing success of the May Revolution. Almost overnight, Zog went from leading a resistance movement from his underground complex in Drenova to controlling nearly a third of Albania and trying to carve out a capital from the ruined city he had just liberated. Though not completely caught off guard by these developments, Zog faced serious staffing challenges as he sought to execute his plans for a "Mountain Government" while also continuing to support his advancing forces and as a result issues like Land Reform and taxation languished in a purgatorial state.(16) Instead, providing sufficient food, fuel, and munitions became the driving concerns of Zog's new administration as the military apparatus he had constructed strained against logistical realities. As he had in the 1930s, Zog once again overestimated his enemies and underestimated his own movement's strength and determination leaving him a victim of his own success.

No greater example of this phenomenon exists than the disastrous Raid on Sazan. Rumors of the camp and the deplorable conditions within it had been widespread for months by the time of the May Revolution. Unlike other socio-economic issues which could be postponed, Zog's subordinates had made it clear that Sazan was one area which required immediate action. Thus, Zog reluctantly pushed forward incipient plans for a raid following the unexpected liberation of a sizeable number of coastal towns between Saranda and Vlora. Though he was unable to secure British support save for the submarine HMS Triumph due to convoy operations in the Mediterranean, he nevertheless forged forward, ordering 8 caiques and 60 naval infantrymen to test the camps defenses on the night of June 6. Unfortunately, any hopes of a repeat of the earlier Attack on Sazan were dashed as this time, the Regia Marina successfully intercepted the Albanian raid before it even arrived on shore. In a pitched battle, Italian patrol craft successfully sunk all eight caiques and the Triumph in exchange for the loss of a pair of patrol boats and damage to a destroyer. (17)

Despite the preceding night's victory, by June 7, Soddu had no illusions that he had completely lost control of the situation. The predominance of the Regia Marina at Sazan meant that it did little to raise the spirits of the men manning the trenches. The remaining troops under Soddu's command were on the verge of mutiny as Zog's forces continued their seemingly inexorable advance. Nearly 10,000 Italian troops had been killed, wounded, or captured since the events following Njazi Dede's failed assassination and the Zogists now had control of most of Southern Albania save for a pocket around Saranda. Out of an initial force of nearly 75,000 troops, only 10,000 remained combat effective but were being rapidly worn down by incessant skirmishing and mortar fire from nearly twice their number of Zogist partisans. (18) At the same time, desertion wracked Albanian collaborating units leaving them barely capable of securing rear areas. With Zogist forces occupying the hills to the East, Vërlaci's government had relocated to Vlora only to find it similarly under threat as Zogist saboteurs struck at precious oil infrastructure with seeming impunity while their forces crept ever closer. Ashamed that he found himself in the nearly the same exact situation his predecessor had found himself a year prior, Soddu nevertheless was left with no choice but to call for significant reinforcements.

01albania-map.jpg

A rough map showing the situation in Albania on June 7, 1941. The Black line delineates the limit of Zogist control, the green the limit of secure Italian control. The remainder of the country has a few scattered Italian units but is mostly under the control of local tribes.​

Despite their extreme reluctance, the prospect of suffering an extremely humiliating defeat at Zog's hands forced Mussolini's government to divert precious resources from other theatres to contain the situation in Albania once again. In a striking parallel to events a year earlier, Mussolini ordered over 100 aircraft from Italy's best bomber units to pound the Albanians into submission until additional troops could arrive, rather than continue to interdict the reinforcement of Malta or support the upcoming counter-offensive into Cyrenacia. Similarly, Mussolini gutted the planned Italian Army in Russia, sending both its commander Mario Roatta to replace Soddu and nearly half its strength to replace the shattered units currently in Albania. Though it is unlikely that the withdrawal of these troops influenced the events of Operation Barbarossa, especially considering that Roatta's replacement, Giovanni Messe, proved quite competent, the loss of key bomber squadrons certainly prevented the Regia Aeronautica from intercepting the "Tiger" Convoys which delivered vital supplies to British forces in the Mediterranean that June. Given the influence those supplies had on both the survival of Malta and the Fall of Tripoli, the events of the May Revolution shaped events not only in Albania but the Mediterranean as a whole.

However, Zog's later justified belief in his contribution to the Allies' eventual success did little to solve his new problem as June 1941 came to an end: how to deal with the latest wave of Italian forces. As successful as his forces had been, and as confident as they were in their abilities, Zog and his senior staff recognized that they were in no way equipped to engage Roatta's men in a symmetric battle. Stockpiles of ammunition, fuel, and other supplies were beginning to run out, leaving his men dangerously exposed. The resistance needed to go into hiding once again, ideally with minimal loss of life, morale, and reputation. Fortunately, the Zogist movement had already laid the groundwork for such a retreat both practically and in the minds of the Albanian people. Instead of demanding that their forces stand and fight as Zog feared, most of his subordinates and a good proportion of the Albanian people accepted that just like Skanderbeg did, their forces needed to withdraw into the mountains to continue to fight for their ultimate triumph. So, despite facing a far superior foe to the one they faced in 1940, Zog's forces largely escaped destruction at the hands of Roatta's forces while successfully employing asymmetric tactics to inflict a horrific number of casualties in both roadside ambushes as well as the more famous fighting withdrawals through the ruins of Berat, Pogradec, Gjirokaster, and most famously Korça itself.

…

Unfortunately, like all good things, these successes came at a cost, one borne again by the Albanian people as they experienced the vicious cycle of escalating violence. Even before Roatta issued his infamous Circular 3C, even before the May Revolution, the Italian Army in Albania had expressed tendencies to take their frustrations out on defenseless civilians rather than risk further losses against the resistance. Though not as comprehensive as subsequent "reprisal" actions under Roatta, the taking and executing of hostages, the burning of villages, and the deportation of thousands to the island of Sazan nevertheless took a toll on Albanian civilians as they increased in frequency with every resistance act in response. This toll in turn created a quiet resentment towards the resistance which seemed to be insulated from Italian actions by geography and secrecy. Yet the events of Summer 1941, in addition to adding even more fuel to the fires of violence engulfing Albania, also provided a crucial reminder that the resistance was not insulated from Italian reprisals both in the breadth of the policies which followed and in one infamous example…

Notes

7. Obviously this understanding of revolution as well as the inclusion of Spain is contested in OTL and TTL. This understanding seemed to fit with the author's overall worldview.

8. This attitude is fairly true to Albania's OTL experience. The major difference here is that Zog's actions force it to come about in 1941 instead of 1944.

9. The Italians attempted to pursue a similar policy in OTL later on in the war with middling results. In TTL, they're obviously more desperate so they turn to it earlier. As a result they find that the Albanian Islamic community is much more willing to collaborate than OTL due to both Zog's actions in TTL and the higher tide of Axis fortunes. It probably also bears repeating that Zog treated the Sunni community with kid gloves in OTL for largely this reason and thus refused to recognize the Bektashi. In TTL he's tried to balance his recognition of the Bektashi and other "non-Muslim" actions with outward religious observance and economic growth. That worked pre-war but now that he's stripped of institutional power the fangs come out.

10. The quote from Njazi Dede is from OTL. The Italian strategy is similarly very close to OTL.

11. Again this breakdown is largely OTL. The vast majority of Bektashi sided with the resistance in OTL or were neutral, however a sizeable number of traditionalists and opportunists stuck with the Axis right up until 1944.

12. This might seem strange given Albania's reputation for tolerance, yet the many of the same people who sided with the Occupation in OTL, were fervently against Zog's attempt to recognize the Bektashi in OTL and were instead pushing a very similar crackdown.

13. The Central Albanian plain is generally considered to be the heart of Islamic piety in Albania and was the primary source of Essad Pasha Toptani's pro-Ottoman, overtly religious, Muslim revolt in 1914. As much as Albania would like to brush incidences like these under the rug, Religion has and likely will again play a role in Albanian politics.

14. As close as it is to Italian areas of strength in the lowlands, the favourable terrain, strategic unimportance/low garrison, and high number of Bektashi make it incredibly likely to revolt in my opinion.

15. Again this behaviour from Catholic Tribes in the north is completely in line with OTL. The Italians expected staunch allies only to find that the Mirdita have no allies, only interests. Yugoslavia and the rest of the Balkans will be covered more in depth in the next update.

16. Zog's obviously borrowing from the experiences of the Greek partisans in OTL. More on this in subsequent updates.

17. The Triumph was often earmarked for commando missions so I figured she would be available for this kind of thing. In OTL she was lost in December 1941 after landing a group of Commandos in Greece.

18. Feel free to critique my numbers but I don't think the broad strokes are unreasonable. The Partisans managed to do basically the same thing despite being often hilariously incompetent and undersupplied in a similar period of time over late 1942-43.

June 20, 1941. Dhërmi, Albania

dhermi-i-vjeter_1467662221-1318740.jpg

Dhërmi in 1941 (19)​

"Zonja Qiriazi, I beg you to reconsider. More Italian reinforcements are arriving by the day, and I simply cannot guarantee your safety in such an exposed location." The pleading tone in Enver Hoxha's voice would have been endearing had Parashqevi not known what lay behind it. "More importantly, the schools you've set up for the resistance need your leadership if they're going to survive the coming Italian offensive. The King is in desperate need of all his ministers in times like these, especially those he is closest too." Having said that, Hoxha presented an envelope, like all the other emissaries before him.

Wordlessly, Parashqevi took the letter from the King's favoured lieutenant and tucked it away in her coat. By this point she wagered that she could probably guess its contents wholesale before even opening it. After all, the past three letters had been essentially the same.

Minister of Education, that's new… She thought as she turned away from Hoxha to watch the fire flickering in the rustic village hearth before her. Hoxha would never have used that line if the King hadn't already decided to remove the veneer that had existed over her position since the Battle of Tirana. Breathing deeply, she savoured the mingling of the smoke with the smell of the ocean breeze. Perhaps the winds of change are truly blowing here as well. A woman in the Royal Cabinet, even as Minister of Education would have been unthinkable even six months ago. Though her appointment certainly smacked of personal desperation, it also highlighted the immense changes wracking Albanian society at the moment. Everything she had hoped for and worked toward was all happening so quickly and seemed to hang by a thread.

"You aren't going to read the letter?"

"No Lieutenant," She sighed "I am not. Not now at least. You may tell the King that my response remains the same. I need to remain here for my health and for the good of these fine children." The last line rang hollower than it had the previous time as she weakly gestured to the houses outside where the same children were sleeping soundly in their beds. Yet what was one more lie in her relationship with "Zog?"

Or is it Jack?

"Zonja, please." Enver pleaded once again "He might not admit it and I certainly wasn't instructed to tell you this, but he needs you now more than ever."

Musa Juka had said the same thing in almost the same spot almost a month ago. Truthfully, he had been more convincing, but that wasn't particularly hard given the information at his disposal. Poor Enver on the other hand had no idea about his sovereign's true nature. Apparently, Musa Juka had been the only other person Jack had told about his new identity and Musa had been both desperate and corrupt enough to go along with it for over a decade now.

And to what end?

That question still haunted her. Was her current course of action really justified given everything Jack had done? If even half of what he told her was correct, she couldn't help but wonder if tolerating one lie might be worth it. The prospect of Albania languishing under the yoke of feudalism, foreign occupation, and then communism until nearly the end of the century was all the more terrifying when she considered the progress of the past decade. Though that progress now stood on a razor's edge, it still stood, and given what she saw from the village around her, it was growing stronger by the day.

Even the largely Greek population of Dhërmi had rallied behind the resistance, much to her surprise. Recent events had, once again, completely vindicated Jack's gamble and rebuked all of her anxiety about the authenticity of the Greek minority's support. Though there were still those who yearned for Enosis, the vast majority of everyday Greeks had come to see their future within Albania. Jack's decision to bank on strong economic performance, a robust program of minority rights, and stressing a primarily regional identity, combined with the Regency's decision to shut down all minority schools as a part of an Albanianization program to transform the Greek minority into one of his strongest constituencies. (20)

That fact coupled with her desire to both escape Jack's constant presence in Drenova and see with her own eyes what the reports were saying had brought her out to Dhërmi nearly two months ago. Part of her wanted everything she heard to be wrong in order to provide even more justification for her departure from the Royalist cause. It would have been so much easier if Jack's American ideals were actually destroying the country like Vërlaci's propaganda stated. In another life she likely would have supported most of the Albanianization of Education proposals currently being rammed through, yet instead, she was here working with a Greek teacher to continue his work here in the village and finding that he was more than happy to adjust to most of the new curriculum. The children were even happy to learn Albanian as they saw the language's potential for future advancement! She could have never imagined such a thing even a few years ago.

Still, she still struggled to even begin to wrap her mind around everything Jack had told her. What kind of universe was she living in where a man from another timeline could wake up in the past, in another man's body? What kind of relationship could she have with a man who had built their whole friendship on one lie after another for over a decade? He would undoubtedly want things to go back to the way before his sudden revelation, but Parashqevi couldn't bring herself to think about doing that again.

"Zonja," Hoxha's sigh brought her back to reality. "I was ordered not to pressure you, but I really must insist. The frontlines are in flux. You may not have another chance to leave here and the Italians will undoubtedly reassert their presence here along the coast. Neutrality is simply not an option for you, not if you want to stay in the country. I understand if you can't return to Drenova, but you can't stay here. I can help you get to Greece, from there you can probably make your way to Stambol(21) and America but we truly must leave now."

"Zoti Hoxha," she said quietly, "I will consider your request, but I'm afraid the events of the day have fatigued me to the point of irrationality. I will give you my answer tomorrow."

"I beg you to reconsider, we truly do not know how close our enemies are. If we leave at night…"

"Tomorrow Hoxha." She said sternly as she shooed him out of her house "I'm sure the Mayor will have accommodations for you and your men."

Her own safety and Hoxha's offer mingled with Jack's intermingled progress and betrayal the whole night and into the next day. Part of her wanted to believe that Jack was right. Perhaps she really had fallen in love with him and not with the promise of political power. Perhaps there was something substantive to their relationship apart from the lies. As much as that last point tormented her, Hoxha's clever insertion of a third option provided her some more time. The journey to Greece would be difficult, but not impossible. Given that neither the Italians nor the Germans seemed to be overly eager to invade at the current moment, she would have more time there.

Having just made up her mind prior to the morning's Albanian lesson, she resolved to leave later that night. Unfortunately, Hoxha's plea for urgency the previous night had proven to be all too prescient. She was in the middle of her lesson on noun endings when the entire schoolhouse shook with the thunderous roar of explosions. Fortunately, despite vivid flashbacks to the Battle of Tirana, the walls did not cave in.

Instead, mere moments after the first explosions, Hoxha burst through the door with his small squad at his back. "Zonja Qiriazi, we need to leave now. The Italians are offshore and their troops along with some Quislings moving into the village." Turning to the students, he switched seamlessly to Greek and instructed them to hide in the schoolhouse cellar until their parents came to pick them up.

"I…I can't just leave them." Were their regular teacher here, perhaps she would have felt more inclined.

"Your presence would only endanger them further." Hoxha said roughly as he took her by the arm. "The Regency never took the reward off your head. You can probably thank Behije for that. We might still be able to…"

The staccato of gunfire cut Hoxha off as the Italians and their Albanian supporting units reached the village. As their group took cover behind a low wall to return fire, Parashqevi looked towards the sea only to see the grey hulk of an Italian warship in the azure sea below. Smoke belched from its cannons and seconds later more explosions wracked the village one of which would have been a bit too close for comfort if it didn't inadvertently vaporize a dozen of their opponents. These larger explosions were followed by smaller ones as Hoxha's men fired their grenade launchers. All around her, Parashqevi watched as the men of the village joined Hoxha's men by firing their Martinis.(22) The thought of Greeks using refurbished northern Albanian weapons to fight alongside the government's forces against a foreign invader would have been poetic if her fate didn't hang precariously in the balance.

Ducking down behind the low wall, Hoxha yelled out to his men amidst the din "DUHAN!"(23) Turning to Parashqevi he grabbed her by the shoulders. "Our mules are gone. We need to head south when the smoke comes…"

He never got to finish that sentence. A burst of cannon fire from a newly arrived armoured car tore into the wall they were hiding behind. Stone fragments tore into Parashevi's shoulders and hands, but she came off lightly compared to Hoxha. Thrown to the ground by the blast, she tried to look for movement in his chest but couldn't help staring at the bloody ruin of his face punctuated by a stone shard where his right eye should be. Ripping her eyes from the horrific scene she tried to look for someone else but saw only Italian uniforms.

With every ounce of energy she had left in her body, she tried to get up and run, but a pair of calloused hands grabbed her roughly by the arm. "Zonje Qiriazi," he growled in thickly accented Albanian. Not too long ago she would have found it endearing, a reminder of Zog's old Mati accent. Now, given the leer behind it, she found terrifying. "You are an adulteress and a traitor to the Kingdom of Albania, by order of the Regent himself; you are under arrest."

Notes

19. Dhërmi is a predominantly Greek village located on the Albanian Riviera half-way between Vlora and Saranda.

20. The Greek minority in Albania was politically homeless in OTL and did its best to navigate the complex resistance landscape emerging before them. In both OTL and TTL collaboration was quite unpopular due to the Albanianization policies. Given similar problems with the Albanian minority south of the Greek Border, the Axis floated plans for a population exchange several times in OTL. Each time they were shot down due to being too disruptive.

21. Istanbul.

22. See Part X.

23. Smoke