Disbanding the control committee

In the stately confines of the Prime Minister's official residence in London, England, the air was thick with tension and the stakes were palpably high. "Mr. Prime Minister!" exclaimed a British naval officer, presenting a crucial report to Prime Minister McDonald, who was at that moment sipping his morning coffee. "Our intelligence has confirmed that the German navy has commenced construction on two massive hulls. The work on the battleships initially intended for us has virtually ceased."

"The Germans are gearing up for war?" McDonald's expression darkened as he set his coffee aside, turning his full attention to the officer. "What's the French position on this? Shouldn't the coalition arms control committee be preventing such developments?"

"Mr. Prime Minister, I suggest you listen to the radio broadcast. German Head of State, Akado Rudolph, is about to address their nation," the officer replied with a hint of urgency in his voice.

In disbelief, McDonald turned on the radio just in time to hear Rudolph's impassioned speech crackling through the static: "Gentlemen! Our sovereignty is compromised by the presence of a foreign-controlled institution on our soil! This institution curtails our military capabilities and undermines our right to self-defense! Should we accept such indignity? No! Should we allow outsiders to dictate the fate of our nation? No! Freedom is our birthright! Strength is the foundation of German survival! Therefore, I declare that the German government no longer recognizes the legitimacy of the joint arms control committee! We demand its immediate disbandment and the withdrawal of all foreign military presence from German soil!"

"My God!" McDonald exclaimed. "Inform His Majesty immediately! Within the next twenty-four hours, I want a full report on the readiness and deployment capabilities of all our forces. Summon all generals who are not on leave to my office. And issue an order for the immediate preparation of our embassy in Germany for evacuation!"

Meanwhile, in Berlin at the British Embassy, Ambassador Smith and his staff were in a flurry of activity, hastily packing up sensitive documents and belongings. "Hurry up, gentlemen, we must leave at once! Damn Akado! Has he lost his mind? To challenge the patience of the international community at such a critical time," Smith cursed under his breath.

"How could they provoke war like this?" his adjutant wondered aloud, frustration evident in his tone.

"Just received word from the French embassy," Smith continued, "the German Foreign Ministry has officially begun expelling members of the joint arms control committee."

Back on the French border, military preparations were intensifying. Officers distributed ammunition to the troops, and engineering units fortified the defenses of the Maginot Line. France had mobilized 11 divisions towards the German border, supplementing the 15 already stationed there, bringing the total to over 300,000 troops. With additional deployments, the number could rise to 50 divisions, poised to breach Germany's Siegfried Line.

In a secure military office, Colonel Charles de Gaulle, newly promoted to Major General, was briefed by an elderly general. "Major General de Gaulle, you are to command the new First Armored Division. Move to the rear of the Maginot Line and stand by."

"Sir, will France declare war on Germany?" de Gaulle inquired, concern etched on his face.

"I'm not optimistic about this conflict," the general confessed. "If we engage, we're likely to lose more than 10 divisions. Our hope is that Germany will see reason before it comes to that."

Back in London, McDonald convened a meeting with his top military and political advisors to discuss the escalating situation. Reports indicated that Germany was ramping up its military capabilities, improving infantry weapons, and amassing ammunition.

"Our Air Force can target German military installations," suggested an Air Force general. "Despite reports of their new fighter aircraft, their numbers are limited. We could deploy 500 bombers to cripple their airfields."

"The Royal Navy can easily overpower the German navy," boasted the Navy Minister. "We can blockade all German ports and starve them into submission."

McDonald pondered their options. "Germany has been playing into our hands to some extent, focusing on their army to counter the French while neglecting their navy and air force."

"Indeed, they have been cooperative, especially against the Soviet threat," another official added. "But we can't ignore their recent actions. We need to assert our dominance and remind them of their place."

As the discussion turned to potential strategies, the Foreign Secretary introduced a suggestion from the American ambassador: "The Americans propose we cut off Germany's oil supply from the Middle East. Without fuel, their military will be crippled."

"That's an excellent strategy," McDonald agreed, his spirits lifted by the cunning plan. "Inform the French of our intentions. Let's coordinate with them and use the Royal Navy to enforce this blockade."

As the meeting adjourned, the gravity of the situation was clear. The world stood on the brink of another major conflict, with diplomatic tensions escalating and military forces mobilizing across Europe. The decisions made in these rooms could very well determine the fate of nations.

In the bustling office of Akado, the head of state, a high-level meeting was underway concerning the pressing energy issues facing Germany. Present were Minister of Economics Schacht, Naval Commander Ryder, Commander-in-Chief of the National Defence Forces Brauchich, and Director of Intelligence Gascole. Akado, visibly fatigued from days of non-stop diplomacy and state management, stretched languidly.

"Schacht, Brauchich, update me on our strategic material reserves. I've been preoccupied with integrating Czechoslovakia and managing affairs in the thriving East," Akado said, rubbing his eyes wearily. Despite the assistance of his meticulous working secretary, Sindra, who managed his schedule efficiently, the sheer volume of work left him perpetually sleep-deprived. Akado often pondered the sacrifices made by rulers throughout history, those who had to balance immense power with personal deprivation.

Turning to the matter at hand, Schacht began, "My head of state, I bring good news from Italy. Merkel has successfully negotiated Italy's entry into our 'Germany, Italy, and Western Axis Agreement.' Just half a month ago, we signed the 'Petroleum Energy Transport Agreement' with them."

Schacht handed Akado a chart filled with data, continuing, "This agreement allows us to utilize Mediterranean ports more effectively, safeguarded by the Italian Navy. In return, we've allocated 5 percent of the transported oil to Italy, ensuring our transport troops can operate smoothly within their borders."

"As a result of this lucrative deal, Mussolini has garnered nearly unanimous support domestically. He is very optimistic about our ongoing collaboration," Schacht added, pointing to the promising figures on the chart that showed a significant reduction in transportation time and costs, resulting in the expedited shipment of 200,000 barrels of oil.

Brauchich took over the briefing, "My head of state, our national reserves currently hold 5.1 million barrels of oil and approximately 750,000 tons of gasoline. Per your directives, our 70 Hercules-class transport ships have been diligently shuttling oil to Italy."

Gascole interjected with a more somber update, "The British are beginning to take notice. Our latest intelligence indicates that the battlecruiser Hood and the battleship King George V are en route to Egypt, likely aiming to secure the Suez Canal."

He continued, "Our submarine U-121, stationed south of the British mainland, has confirmed sightings of the British fleet moving southward."

Akado, absorbing the gravity of the situation, sighed, "It's inevitable that Mussolini might prioritize Italian interests over ours if pressured by the British for concessions. We must be prepared for such eventualities."

Schacht then outlined the civilian oil reserves, "Aside from our military stockpiles, we have about 7.9 million barrels of oil and nearly 1.6 million tons of gasoline in civilian reserves. Additionally, Faben Company is supplementing our supplies with synthetic gasoline."

"However, if our oil imports were to be halted, we could sustain our current needs for no more than a year," Schacht cautioned.

Akado, feeling the weight of strategic limitations, noted, "Our investments in Romania are bearing fruit, especially now that we share a border post-Czechoslovakia annexation. This could potentially ease some immediate pressures, depending on the Soviets' stance, as they wield significant influence in Romania."

Schacht suggested, "Given the urgency, perhaps a direct visit by you to the United Kingdom might be prudent to secure more stable oil sources from Saudi Arabia."

Akado dismissed the idea, knowing the geopolitical complexities, "It's too late for that. The French have been stirring the pot, and now the British must act to reassure their allies. They're pushing us towards a confrontation with the Soviet Union."

Picking up a document, Akado briefly reviewed it before tossing it back onto the desk, "Our anti-Soviet stance aligns with British interests, which is why they've tolerated our maneuvers under French scrutiny. But now, they'll be watching our every move more closely."

Brauchich expressed his concerns about the military implications, "Our oil reserves are only sufficient for a full-scale offensive. If we initiate conflict now, control would inevitably fall to Britain and France—a scenario we must avoid."

Akado quickly strategized, "First, we mobilize additional transport ships to maximize oil procurement from Saudi Arabia. All ships in the Mediterranean will cancel any leave, focusing solely on transporting oil to Italy."

He added a more drastic measure, "Secondly, plant explosives at oil facilities under our control. If the British and French capture them, they'll be destroyed immediately, rendering them unusable."

Brauchich warned of the risks, "My head of state, such actions could provoke Britain and France, potentially triggering a war we are not fully prepared for."

Akado reassured him, "Neither are they fully prepared. We've fortified the Siegfried Line extensively, making it a formidable barrier against any French advance."

Standing up, Akado approached a large map of Europe, pointing decisively at Poland, "Our next focus is here. Once we move, it will divert British and French attention, hopefully easing their grip on oil supplies."

Gascole voiced another concern, "Poland's alliances with Britain and France complicate matters. Engaging them might drag us into a two-front war."

"And don't forget the Soviets' interest in Poland," Ryder added, highlighting the delicate balance of power.

Akado concluded with a bold directive, "Leave the Soviets to Merkel. I'll negotiate a secret treaty to mitigate their hostility. As for our forces, we need to double our troop numbers to two million before any eastern expansion."

As the meeting adjourned, Akado prepared for a speech at the Congress, aiming to rally support for military expansion. His generals, inspired yet apprehensive, saluted their leader, committed to following him into an uncertain future.

Akado, donning his black leather trench coat, left the room with a final remark, "On the road to victory, ensure you're not left behind."