How was South Sudanese civil war started

On 6 March 2013 Salva Kiir finally convened the Political Bureau. On the agenda were reports from the four committees; the objective was to achieve consensus on proposals for the new party constitution and other key documents. The President now announced that he would run for re-election in 2015. Riek Machar likewise declared his candidacy, reiterated his 'points', and said it was time for change. Pagan and Rebecca Nyandeng followed suit, but neither was seen as a serious challenger. Owing to Salva Kiir's statement, James Wani Igga would not be a candidate. The meeting ended in failure, as members of the committee disagreed on key issues. Salva could not be sure of the outcome from the Political Bureau after this, and he seemed to entertain alternative strategies to ensure support for his positions.

He decided to convene the obsolete 'High Command of the SPLA' and endow it with decision making authority. With Dr John long gone, the members were Salva, James Wani Igga, Kuol Manyang Juuk, the Governor of Jonglei, Daniel Awet (deputy speaker of the legislature), and the aged Lual Diing, who was hospitalized in Nairobi. Salva turned to this group for regular strategy meetings during the months that followed. During March and April, there were no meetings of the leadership committee, although informal discussions continued.

Continued to encourage them to resolve their differences, but started to ask whether it was time for an external mediator. they discussed the possibility of bringing in leaders from the region to help, and considered several. But the committee members still thought they could handle this. continued to urge the President to convene the leadership to sort out the problems. On 15 April the President issued a decree stripping Riek Machar of 'all duly delegated powers' under the 2011 Transitional Constitution.

From other sources later learned of an initial plan to replace Riek with another Nuer, although this has never been confirmed. There had apparently been consultation with people in the Nuer community, and Salva had been warned that this could lead to instability; curtailing the Vice President's powers seemed a more judicious route. On the same day, Salva Kiir suspended the National Reconciliation Conference that Riek had been championing. There had been legitimate concerns in many quarters about the way he had been leading that effort, and about the danger that the national reconciliation process itself was being politicized by the power struggle between the two leaders. Riek was left applying unsuccessfully for interviews with the President. Go-betweens in trouble Riek's humiliation raised fears that the Nuer would react violently.

Prompted church leaders to get involved. Gier Chuong Aloung, a government minister, called the Anglican Archbishop Daniel Deng, and asked him for help: 'We have tried, but we have come to a dead end', he said. On 26 April Deng, the Catholic Archbishop Paulino Lukudo, and the Moderator of the Presbyterian Church, Peter Gai Lual Marrow met Salva and Riek separately, then together, at the presidency. Abel Alier accompanied the clergymen. They briefed immediately afterwards. The religious leaders realized that they had but scratched the surface. Despite their attempts, both Salva and Riek had recited platitudes about working together; there was no true reconciliation. Nevertheless, they all appeared on televison that night, embracing each other, and things calmed down, for a while.

The Leadership according to the 2008 SPLM Constitution, the third convention of the SPLM should be held no later than 20 May 2013. The mandate of the current leadership was therefore running out. The deadline passed, however, and the whole party apparatus continued to operate without a legal basis. No one seemed to pay any attention to this, and Salva Kiir, as chairman, gave no sign of doing anything. But with the atrophy of the SPLM and the apparent conflation of party and state there was no institutional mechanism which could intervene. As a leading veteran of the SPLM put it: 'When they needed the party to resolve their differences, they didn't find it. The SPLM was almost dead.' During the first week of June, the President told them there was little likelihood of a solution to the impasse; experience showed that Riek would not be curbed. Salva cast doubt too on Deng Alor, who had been chairing the leadership meetings. Four days later they sat down with Deng to discuss what could be done. Should we bring in regional leaders? The Government of South Sudan had reached a political standstill, and so it seemed, had the leadership of the SPLM. That the President had concerns about Deng Alor became clear on 17 June when he suspended the minister and Kosti Manibe on account of corruption. In a Republican Order he lifted their immunity from prosecution, and by a separate Order launched an investigation into alleged irregular transfer of $8 million to Daffy [sic] Investment Group for procurement of safes for government offices.

The two were temporarily suspended from the cabinet, pending further investigations. The security organs had reportedly been on the case for months. The initial investigation cleared Kosti Manibe, but the case against Deng Alor was referred for criminal investigation. The donor community had for long requested action against corruption through investigations and prosecution. As we have seen, scandals involving hundreds of millions of dollars had come to light. If by the action against Deng Alor and Kosti Manibe the President was initiating a legal crackdown, observers would have raised fewer questions. But when there was no movement on bigger cases, the perception was unavoidable that the two ministers had been targeted primarily for political reasons, Riek goes public against the President Riek Machar certainly did not make things easier. On 4 July he gave an interview to the Guardian, explaining his decision to challenge Salva Kiir for the presidency: Even in your own country, Margaret Thatcher had to leave after leading the Conservative party for a very long time. Tony Blair also had to leave after winning three consecutive elections and give way to the next generation.

Theirs was an example that Salva Kiir would do well to follow, he said, while rejecting any comparison between himself and Gordon Brown. He also said: To avoid authoritarianism and dictatorship, it is better to change. Our time is limited now. I have been serving under Salva Kiir. I did my best serving under him. I think it is time for a change now. This would mark Riek's third try for leadership of the Movement. Two days later Salva Kiir dismissed Taban Deng. On 7 July Joseph Nguen Monytuel, whose brother led the main militia operating in Unity, was appointed new Governor, raising hopes that the newly integrated South Sudan Liberation Movement would remain in the fold. This followed a similar move against Chol Tong Mayai, Governor of Lakes State, accused of sympathizing with Riek. Taban had recently returned from the US where, some sources allege, he had been less than loyal in his comments. It was anyway clear that Taban had lately become suspiciously closer to Riek, who now publicly denounced Taban's removal as unconstitutional. that very beginning to or first step into civil war. it was about greedy of power.