CH37

Seoul, Blue House.

Early in the morning, a black Hyundai Grandeur came to a stop in front of the main building of the Blue House. As the door opened, Defense Minister Jeon Deok-jae stepped out and was greeted by a familiar staff member from the Presidential Secretariat.

"Welcome, Minister. His Excellency is in the residence. He has instructed me to bring you there."

"Let's go."

"Please follow me."

Following the staff member, Defense Minister Jeon Deok-jae walked briskly along the path flanked by well-maintained, towering trees. After a short walk, they arrived at the residence surrounded by high walls.

The reason Minister Jeon had come to the Blue House early in the morning was because he had a breakfast meeting scheduled with President Kim Seong-gyu, who had recently been inaugurated.

Upon entering the traditional Korean-style residence, Jeon was led to the large dining room. The dining room was spacious enough to accommodate more than a dozen people comfortably, and the windows, designed in a traditional lattice pattern, added an elegant touch. The floor was covered with thick carpet, and a sparkling chandelier hung from the ceiling, adding to the luxurious atmosphere.

"Please wait a moment; His Excellency will be out shortly."

"Understood."

Minister Jeon nodded and sat down at the empty round table. After about five minutes, one of the doors opened, and President Kim Seong-gyu, dressed in a white shirt, entered with his close aide, Chief Secretary Gu Hyeong-gi.

Seeing them, Minister Jeon quickly stood up to greet the President.

"Sorry to call you in so early."

"Not at all, sir."

"I hear the breakfast menu is sujebi. Is that alright with you?"

"Though it's spring, the mornings and evenings are still chilly. A hot bowl of sujebi would be just the thing to warm us up."

Minister Jeon adeptly responded, catering to President Kim's preferences.

"You're right about that. Please, have a seat."

President Kim Seong-gyu took the center seat, with Chief Secretary Gu Hyeong-gi and Minister Jeon sitting across from each other at his sides.

Shortly afterward, Blue House staff wearing aprons brought in bowls of sujebi made with anchovy broth, along with various side dishes, and quietly placed them on the round table before stepping back.

"Well, let's eat."

President Kim was the first to pick up his spoon, taking a sip of the steaming sujebi broth.

"The broth is rich; it's excellent."

Seeing the President's satisfied expression, Chief Secretary Gu immediately added,

"I'm told the broth was made with anchovies sent by your father from Geoje Island."

"Oh, really? No wonder the broth is so rich."

President Kim's father was a well-known tycoon in Geoje Island, owning a fleet of anchovy boats. During his political career, the President often sent anchovies from his father to his faction's lawmakers and acquaintances as gifts during holidays.

As they continued to chat lightly over their meal, President Kim finished with a sip of coffee that was served as dessert. He then put down his cup and turned his attention to Minister Jeon, seated to his left.

"I asked to meet you early this morning because I have an important directive to issue."

As President Kim moved to the main topic, Minister Jeon, sensing the gravity, straightened up with a slightly tense expression.

"Please, go ahead."

After a brief pause, President Kim spoke in a serious tone.

"I plan to replace the Army Chief of Staff and the Director of the Defense Security Command today. Who do you think would be suitable successors?"

"…!"

Minister Jeon was left stunned by the President's shocking directive, staring wide-eyed in disbelief.

The Army Chief of Staff and the Director of the Defense Security Command, whom the President had just mentioned, were key members of the military faction known as Hanahoe, which explained Minister Jeon's shock.

Minister Jeon glanced over at Chief Secretary Gu Hyeong-gi, who showed no change in expression as if he had been aware of this all along.

Minister Jeon had sensed something was afoot when he was asked to join the President for breakfast. But he had never imagined it would be something like this. Swallowing hard, he cautiously spoke up.

"Your Excellency, both of those individuals are core members of Hanahoe."

"That's exactly why I intend to deal with them."

"Not only the previous Presidents, but Hanahoe itself will strongly oppose this."

Hoping to temper the situation, Minister Jeon expressed his concerns, but President Kim furrowed his brows.

"Are you saying there could be another December 12th incident?"

Under the President's gaze, Minister Jeon hesitated, finding it difficult to speak before finally responding with difficulty.

"As the Minister of Defense, I regret to say that it's a possibility."

It was a shameful admission for the Defense Minister, but it was the reality. Although the military regime had ended and a peaceful transition to a civilian government had taken place, Hanahoe still held significant power over the military.

Given this situation, the President's decision to confront Hanahoe head-on naturally raised fears of a potential military coup.

As the tension in the room grew heavier, President Kim addressed Minister Jeon directly.

"Tell me, Minister Jeon."

"Yes, Your Excellency."

"Who am I?"

The abrupt question made Minister Jeon look carefully at the President before replying.

"You are the President, elected by the people."

"That's right. As the President elected by the people, should I be cowering in fear of a military coup and pandering to Hanahoe?"

"…"

"Before my inauguration, the former Defense Minister held a press conference—surely you haven't forgotten what he said."

Minister Jeon, feeling a deep sense of shame as a military man, lowered his head as the President spoke.

Two days before the inauguration, former Defense Minister Choi Gu-chang had held a press conference with journalists and rambled on about how the military should be restructured in the future.

This action had not been discussed in advance with either President Kim or the transition team. In essence, former Minister Choi's remarks boiled down to this: Hanahoe would continue to control and command the military.

It was a blatant provocation against the incoming civilian government, orchestrated by former Minister Choi and Hanahoe.

'They're trying to rein in the President and the civilian government right from the start, ensuring they're not crossed.'

The problem was that everyone knew Hanahoe's power was so immense that even recognizing the provocation, no one dared challenge it.

"If I'm to be a puppet President who can't even control the military, I might as well resign today and walk out of the Blue House."

It was clear from his determined tone that President Kim had made up his mind to dismantle Hanahoe. With a sigh, Minister Jeon suggested an alternative.

"Your Excellency, rather than acting hastily, wouldn't it be wiser to fully prepare beforehand?"

But President Kim immediately shook his head.

"After the October 26 incident, Army Chief of Staff Jeong Il-woo tried to quietly purge the Hanahoe faction, only to be ousted by the coup forces instead."

The coup forces, centered around Hanahoe, had been led by former President Jeon Du-su.

"If we strike first, catching them off guard, this will be the perfect opportunity to deal with Hanahoe with minimal bloodshed."

"…There could be bloodshed among our own people."

Minister Jeon, filled with concern, expressed his worries, but President Kim remained resolute.

"I'm prepared for that. Though it's unfortunate, we must set the country's principles straight and complete the democratization process, even if it requires sacrifice."

He then looked at Minister Jeon.

"It's your job to minimize the conflict and reduce the casualties."

"…"

"Can you do it?"

The weight of the question felt like a crushing burden. After a moment of silence, Minister Jeon finally responded with determination in his voice.

"If it's for the country, I will stake my life on it."

"I knew you would say that."

President Kim, looking pleased, asked again.

"Do you have suitable candidates for the positions of Army Chief of Staff and the Director of the Defense Security Command?"

These two positions were among the most important in the military, consistently held by Hanahoe members during the military regime. Even though the operational command authority had been transferred to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff a few years prior, the Army Chief of Staff still held significant power and influence within the military.

Meanwhile, the Defense Security Command, formerly known as the Security Command, had wielded unchecked authority, both inside and outside the military, dealing with all kinds of intelligence. It was because of their control over the Security Command that former President Jeon Du-su was able to lead the coup and seize power.

Understanding all this, President Kim had specifically targeted the Army Chief of Staff and the Director of the Defense Security Command for his first wave of purges.

Given the significance of these positions, Minister Jeon thought long and hard before answering.

"For Army Chief of Staff, I recommend General Kim Dong-hae, currently the Deputy Commander of the Combined Forces Command. For the Director of the Defense Security Command, I suggest Colonel Woo Ha-yong, the current Chief of Staff of the Defense Security Command."

"Can they be trusted?"

Given the stakes—not only the safety of the regime but the potential rollback of hard-won democratization—it was a question that required careful consideration.

"They are both highly capable, and most importantly, I can vouch that they have no connections to Hanahoe."

Hearing that they had no ties to Hanahoe, President Kim nodded slightly, as if he needed to hear nothing more.

"Good. Let's go with those two. Have them come to the Blue House immediately so they can be appointed."

"Right now?"

Minister Jeon worried it might be too sudden, but President Kim's stance remained firm.

"The success of this operation depends on taking swift action before Hanahoe has a chance to respond."

Seeing the President's determined expression, Minister Jeon nodded resolutely.

"Understood. I will contact them immediately."

"Make sure to maintain security and keep it under wraps, so they don't catch wind of it."

"Yes, sir."

At that moment, Chief Secretary Gu, who had been quietly listening, stood up, walked over to the side table, and brought over the telephone, placing it on the table in front of them.

"You can use this phone."

Minister Jeon gave a slight nod of thanks and immediately picked up the receiver, dialing the number for the ROK-U.S. Combined Forces Command located at the Yongsan Garrison.

As Minister Jeon made the call, President Kim gestured with his fingers, prompting Chief Secretary Gu to quickly take out a cigarette, light it, and hand it to him.

Leaning back in his chair, President Kim took a deep drag from the cigarette, filling his lungs with smoke before exhaling slowly.

Though he tried to appear calm and composed, inside, his nerves were tightly wound.

After all, he was about to attempt the dismantling of Hanahoe, an organization that had long wielded power and controlled the fate of South Korea.

It would be a lie to say he wasn't anxious or worried.

Yet despite the unease, it was a necessary step to ensure the completion of democratization and to set the regime on the right course. It was something that could not be ignored or postponed.

The die had already been cast.

Resolving to overcome his wavering resolve, President Kim held the cigarette between his fingers and muttered softly to himself.

"Yes, if we don't root out Hanahoe this time, there will never be another chance."

TL/n - 

Hanahoe, or "Hanahoe Club," was a secret student organization formed at South Korea's prestigious Seoul National University in the early 1980s. The group included many future political leaders and figures, such as President Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung, both of whom were key players in South Korea's transition to democracy.

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October 26 is significant in South Korean history primarily because it marks the anniversary of the assassination of President Park Chung-hee in 1979.

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December 12 is significant in South Korean history primarily because of the 1980 military coup led by General Chun Doo-hwan.