Chapter 565: Is the Internal Cleanup Completely Finished?

A few days later.

The North Korean state media, Rodong Sinmun, published details regarding the Central Committee's plenary meeting.

This was also broadcasted by Chosun Central TV and the radio.

— On November 12, Juche 92, the 22nd plenary meeting of the Workers' Party of Korea Central Committee was held at the headquarters of the Party Central Committee.

The Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea, our party and national leader, Comrade Kim Jong-il, presided over the plenary session.

The meeting was attended by committee members and candidate members of the Workers' Party of Korea Central Committee.

In South Korea, special broadcasts regarding this were also aired.

"This is interesting," I thought.

Experts on North Korea appeared on the news, analyzing the plenary session.

— A new position called First Secretary has emerged. And Jang Seong-taek is occupying that position. This implies that the rumors about Kim Jong-il's poor health are likely true. It seems he is planning to publicly position Jang Seong-taek as a face for succession before passing things on to Kim Jong-nam.

I raised my coffee cup while listening to the almost nonsensical analysis.

— It's already been proven through multiple channels that Jang Seong-taek raised Kim Jong-nam. They are planning to make Kim Jong-nam the successor, using Jang Seong-taek as his backer. When Kim Jong-il was positioned as a successor, it was largely supported by comrades who established the Republic with Kim Il-sung, such as Choi Hyun. He also carries the legitimacy of being the eldest son.

Immediately, opposing opinions were presented.

— This is not the first time Jang Seong-taek has entered the power center. Connecting that to rumors about Kim Jong-il's health is purely speculative. From what I've gathered, Kim Jong-il's mind has already drifted away from Kim Jong-nam. There are indications that Kim Jong-chul is more favored.

The two engaged in a heated debate, seeking flaws in each other's arguments.

The moderator, who had been listening to their discussion, decided to lighten the mood with a question.

— Many, including Ri Ul-sul, were dismissed this time. What do you think about that?

Rodong Sinmun released a photo of Ri Ul-sul's arrest during the plenary meeting.

In addition, more than ten others were also arrested in the meeting hall.

They were dragged out of the hall, resigned to their fate.

They had stood vigilantly beside Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il.

"Everyone's writing a novel, a novel."

I couldn't take any more. Shaking my head in disbelief, I finally turned off the TV.

Given the limited information available, the so-called experts' analysis was no different from fiction.

"It seems Jang Seong-taek has indeed seized real power."

"Yes, it seems that way."

"He's pretty sharp, that Jang Seong-taek. Instead of killing Kim Jong-il's people, he's showing the scenes of their public arrests, making it seem like Kim Jong-il is the one purging them. Then he filled those positions with his people…"

Jang Seong-taek had filled most of the Central Committee members with his own loyalists.

The most striking among them was Choi Ryong-hae.

He was someone who would typically lead the charge to purge Jang Seong-taek.

Yet now, he had closely aligned himself with Jang Seong-taek and was appointed as a member of the Central Committee.

In addition, members of the Political Bureau, Secretariat, and specialized departments were filled with Jang Seong-taek's supporters.

This signified that he had completely taken control of the Party.

"I wonder when I will receive a call."

I muttered while fiddling with my phone.

It was only a week later that I received a call from Igor.

— Boss, it's Igor.

"Igor, it's good to hear your voice. Are you okay?"

— I just arrived in Vladivostok. I'm contacting you from the camp.

Igor's voice was laced with fatigue. It sounded like he called before even recovering from the trip.

"What happened?"

Igor slowly began to explain in response to my question.

He elaborated on how Ri Ul-sul had mobilized the army and confronted the 1st and 3rd corps.

Fortunately, they suppressed them without any major battles, and Jang Seong-taek immediately headed to Pyongyang thereafter.

"That's a relief. What did Jang Seong-taek say?"

— He told me to leave North Korea. Kim Jong-il and his family were taken to another villa.

"Anything else?"

— He mentioned that he would contact us when things were sorted out, but he didn't explain when that would be.

Looks like I have no choice but to wait helplessly for Jang Seong-taek's call.

"Thank you for your hard work. I'll leave the cleanup to you. As for the compensation payments, handle them as you see fit, Igor."

— Yes, Boss.

Igor's work wasn't over yet. After a brief moment of contemplation, I spoke again.

"Once everything is settled, spend New Year's with your family and come to Korea once the new year begins."

— Understood.

"Then let's meet in Korea next year."

The call from Jang Seong-taek came three days after my conversation with Igor.

— Kim Mu-hyeok, it's Jang Seong-taek.

"I've been waiting, First Secretary Jang."

— Hahaha.

The title of First Secretary made Jang Seong-taek laugh heartily.

— That title is a bit uncomfortable. Just call me Vice Chairman.

"That works. Vice Chairman."

Jang Seong-taek didn't hold just one position this time.

Since he himself requested that title, there was no reason not to oblige.

— Soon, we will contact the South Korean government. I plan to request a special envoy. Officially, it will be for a family reunion, but afterwards, we will coordinate concerning what needs to be done together. I hope you can join then.

"Is the internal cleanup completely finished?"

— It's still in progress. However, my comrades and I have completely taken control of Pyongyang. The People's Army, although it will take some time, is slowly undergoing a purification campaign. We are replacing elements with people loyal to me. It won't be wrapped up quickly.

It had been 50 years since Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il ruled. It was clear that there would still be those left loyal to them from the roots.

— First, we need to extinguish the urgent fires. We must lift border restrictions and lift economic sanctions. That is the way to solidify my power. That will serve as justification… It will become my strength.

"Have you contacted the U.S.?"

— Not yet. However, I'll be holding talks with the U.S. soon. If I present the condition of giving up nuclear development and accepting IAEA inspections, wouldn't that suffice?

"Can you suppress internal dissent?"

At my question, Jang Seong-taek chuckled softly and answered confidently.

— Many generals have changed this time. During that process, most hardcore generals have been removed. While there may be some opposition, it isn't significant enough to be concerned about. They all know they cannot resolve matters if they don't give up nuclear development.

Jang Seong-taek already knew.

He understood that if North Korea didn't give up its nuclear ambitions, the Bush administration would refuse to negotiate at all.

This was true regardless of whether the Republicans or Democrats were in power.

The core policy of the U.S. was that if North Korea gave up its nuclear program, they would come to the table for talks.

— The problem is… Isn't international politics about asking for two things when you give up one? I worry they might demand something else in return for giving up the nuclear program.

"…That's true. Do you have any countermeasures?"

— Nothing concrete. Still, didn't you, Kim Mu-hyeok, promise? That if we abandon nuclear development and implement an opening policy, you would grant security assurances for the regime?

"Not that I guaranteed, but rather that I outlined the minimum conditions for negotiations."

Though I corrected him, Jang Seong-taek ignored it and asserted his view.

— Yes. However, wouldn't it be better for you, Kim Mu-hyeok, for me to remain in power in North Korea? Now, we will implement an opening policy as well. Just like China and Vietnam, while maintaining our system, we will open up to the international community and invite investment…

"Let's discuss the details when we meet. I can't provide a definite answer about this yet. If nuclear development is abandoned… the economic sanctions will be lifted. At the very least, I think China and Russia will lift theirs. The U.S. will take some time to observe."

— Understood. I will keep my faith in you, Kim Mu-hyeok.

The way he said to trust him only when it was convenient was amusing, as if he had left the solution entirely in my hands.

I chuckled softly and changed the subject.

"So, what have you done? From what I've heard, Kim Jong-il presided over the meeting himself. Did Kim Jong-il proceed without any remarks?"

— Hahaha. Didn't you hear from the mercenaries?

"I wanted to hear the details from you, so I didn't ask too much."

Jang Seong-taek stopped laughing and continued.

— On the day of the plenary meeting in Pyongyang, I took my family as hostages to the Yeohori Villa. If I hadn't heard from them by the next day, I ordered them to kill all of them. The mercenaries accepted my proposition, and I returned to Pyongyang first to finish all preliminary work. No one could restrain me since I had taken over full power from Chairman Kim Jong-il. If he had died, things wouldn't have gone as smoothly.

Once again, it proved that keeping Kim Jong-il alive was the right move. A country where everything can be solved with a single person's voice is so convenient.

However, unlike me, who believed that those who lose their usefulness should be removed, Jang Seong-taek wanted to keep Kim Jong-il around.

He must had not killed all the Wang clan members when Lee Seong-gye toppled Goryeo for no reason…

Jang Seong-taek continued speaking.

— After that, I began my work to take control of the Party. I dismissed most of Chairman Kim Jong-il's people from the Central Committee, excluding the neutral ones, and appointed my own loyalists. I placed my comrades in all key positions, including the Political Bureau and the Secretariat.

"What about the military?"

— The military forces near Pyongyang are already under my control. The Guard Command Headquarters, the Security Bureau, and the Guard Command Headquarters—every military cabinet has been filled with my people. This is just the beginning.

Jang Seong-taek explained at length how he planned to seize power and solidify it.

"That's a good approach."

Indeed, Jang Seong-taek, who had been second in command next to Kim Jong-il for a long time, knew well the workings of power.

Thus, he wasn't resorting to dictatorship through idolization like Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il but prioritizing opening up for economic development.

"If that strategy is going to succeed, the economy needs to improve. If the economy doesn't improve, those with different ideas will emerge."

For economic progress, visible outcomes must be shown.

And they must be quick. When I said this, Jang Seong-taek responded as if he was waiting.

— That's correct. We must begin construction on the Kaesong Industrial Complex, which was being jointly pursued by the North and the South, as soon as possible.

"Kaesong Industrial Complex?"

— Yes. The site selection is complete, and we just need to start construction. I hope we can finish it quickly and have southern companies move in.

Jang Seong-taek trailed off as if he were gauging my reaction.

"That's beyond my authority. That's up to the South Korean government to decide."

— That will be negotiated during the special envoy visit. However, if there are no companies participating, we can't do anything. You can easily make that happen, right, Kim Mu-hyeok?

"You want large companies, not small businesses, don't you?"

— Yes. One large company is more beneficial for the Republic than ten small businesses.

The Kaesong Industrial Complex had originally been led by the Daehyeon Group, but all the companies entering were small to medium-sized businesses.

However, Jang Seong-taek wanted large enterprises in attendance.

"Large companies find it difficult to establish factories in North Korea. There are many reasons, but the primary reason is the lack of trust in the North Korean regime. Without assurance of security, large companies won't easily enter North Korea."

— I understand. But isn't Jungwoo Group, which you own, different?

I raised an eyebrow. Asking for Jungwoo Group to expand?

— I will leave all infrastructure development to Jungwoo Construction. So please build the factories of Jungwoo Group in North Korea.

"It's only natural for Jungwoo Construction to monopolize infrastructure development. That's not a negotiation. Presenting what should be received as a negotiation card is meaningless."

At my firm response, Jang Seong-taek fell silent.

"Considering building factories meant for China in North Korea is something I could think about. However, not in the Kaesong Industrial Complex."

— Then do you want a new location?

"Nampo. Give that land to me."

Jang Seong-taek was a beat late in his reaction.

— …Are you referring to Nampo City?

"Yes. Declare that as a special economic zone, and grant me the authority to develop it. Then I'll bring not only Jungwoo Group but all South Korean conglomerates with me."