Chapter 596: Do We All Agree?

We sat around a circular table, able to see each other clearly.

Before diving into the serious negotiations, we engaged in light chit-chat to ease the stiff atmosphere.

As I listened to their conversation, I turned my gaze toward the Russian chief representative.

'So this is the face of Russia.'

Lavrov, still serving as Deputy Foreign Minister, was the head representative for this negotiation.

However, he was on the verge of being appointed to the ministerial position by the Kremlin.

"Why do you look at me like that?"

Noticing my gaze, Sergey Lavrov asked with a hint of curiosity.

I smiled and replied to his question.

"It's thanks to all the praise I've heard from Chief Medvedev about you, so you don't seem unfamiliar to me."

"He said that about me?"

"Yes. He mentioned you're the best diplomat among the Russian diplomats he knows."

"Really? Did Chief Medvedev truly say that?"

There was a faint hint of anticipation in Lavrov's voice. I shrugged and answered.

"Yes. It was the first time I heard him praise someone so highly. Maybe that's why I've been so intrigued. I apologize if I'm being rude; please don't misunderstand me."

My attempt at lightening the mood sparked hearty laughter from everyone.

When the chuckles subsided, Kissinger finally spoke up.

"Alright, let's wrap up the small talk and get down to business. We're all busy people here. Let's discuss what each country wants."

The moment Kissinger opened the floor, the atmosphere shifted from relaxed to suddenly tense and serious.

Everyone now fixated their serious expressions solely on Kissinger.

"What is discussed here must never leak outside. So hold back nothing and reveal your true intentions. Charlie and I will bear witness to it."

Why did my name get thrown in there? Unconsciously, I glanced over at Kissinger.

"What kind of look is that? You and I are here as observers in this negotiation."

"Are you sure about that? You're known for doing anything to benefit America, aren't you?"

"Representing American interests is Christopher's job. I'm here to extract a final agreement."

Kissinger finished speaking with a friendly smile.

Yet I felt a sharpness hidden behind that smile.

It seemed Kissinger was determined to reach an agreement by the end of the day.

If we didn't come to an agreement today… he would act as America always had.

Kissinger then turned his focus back to the chief representatives from China and Russia.

"Let's begin the discussion now."

And thus, the negotiations commenced.

As we engaged in prolonged discussions, I strongly sensed that China and Russia had already coordinated their stances behind the scenes.

The duo kept pressing America, while Christopher was sweating profusely defending the U.S. position.

Kissinger would step in to calm things down whenever he sensed the situation heating up, but he didn't directly involve himself in the debates.

The back-and-forth discussions, which merely went in circles for about two hours, finally found direction only after I intervened.

"I think we've all expressed what we want. It's time to start drafting a consensus, right? Let's make concessions and take what we can, or it seems we'll never finish today."

Kissinger nodded at my suggestion.

"That's a valid point. There don't seem to be any more proposals on the table, so let's proceed as Charlie suggested, and find some middle ground."

While I offered this to direct the discussion, the real negotiations were only just beginning.

Up until now, each country had mostly stuck to their own positions, but it was now necessary to weave the proposals from the other side into a satisfying agreement for all.

The tug-of-war negotiations continued for another two hours.

From this point on, I took the lead in shaping the talks since I needed to engineer a deal favorable to me.

"Let's clarify. After next month's inter-Korean summit, the five nations gathered here will hold a five-way meeting in Seoul. Do we all agree?"

Everyone nodded in agreement.

"We will resume the halted light water reactor project following North Korea's commitment to abandon nuclear development. The construction costs will be shared as follows: Korea 40%, China 20%, Russia 20%, and the U.S. 20%. Is that acceptable?"

Again, everyone nodded in consensus.

China's demand was straightforward. They were concerned that substantial U.S. economic aid would push North Korea out of their influence.

They sought to share the costs for the economic support provided to North Korea in exchange for denuclearization at a 4:2:2:2 ratio.

This was to prevent anyone from wielding free aid as a weapon over North Korea.

This was a significant concession from the U.S.

The U.S. had initially wanted South Korea to bear all the costs involved in economic aid, but Korea couldn't accept that.

'We can't place an unreasonable burden on the Korean government.'

Had I not been here, it was clear Korea would have likely agreed to take on all the expenses.

This economic aid was not a loan that could be repaid but a grant given as a reward for abandoning nuclear weapons.

We also reached agreements on various other economic cooperation matters.

We decided to dispatch a trade delegation to North Korea, establish a trade office with representatives from each country, and promote North Korea's accession to the WTO.

We got approval for granting North Korean products most-favored-nation treatment for the time being. We'd be able to negotiate lower tariffs.

Additionally, we agreed to designate several areas as economic special zones for development.

For the first time, the views of China and Russia began to diverge.

China wanted to develop Rason first, but Russia adamantly refused to concede.

As the two men glared at each other, I stepped in to mediate.

"Let's avoid conflict. China can develop Sinuiju, while Russia can proceed with Rason; it just makes sense."

Rason was close to Russia, while Sinuiju bordered China.

Ultimately, China agreed to designate Sinuiju as an economic special zone for development, while Russia took on the economic development of Rason.

"The U.S., China, South Korea, and Russia will guarantee annual aid to North Korea ranging from 3 to 5 billion dollars for the next ten years. All four nations and European countries will share the costs, with South Korea bearing the largest burden; everyone agree?"

Everyone nodded in agreement. With this, my role concluded.

I looked at Kissinger and said.

"Now it's your turn."

Now only the military and political agreements remained.

From that point on, Kissinger began taking charge of the arrangements.

Kissinger, the founder of the madman strategy, flexibly led the negotiations, knowing when to threaten and when to appeal.

Once the head representatives from each nation had departed, only Kissinger and I remained.

"Was that for real earlier? Didn't you say you'd deploy nuclear weapons in South Korea?"

China asserted that since North Korea was moving towards reform and opening up while abandoning nuclear development, America should withdraw its troops from South Korea.

In response, Christopher countered with the card of redeploying nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula.

Kissinger raised one corner of his mouth slightly at my question.

"Whether it's real or not remains to be seen. Today was the first time I learned what card Christopher had in hand."

That can't be true. The retaliation strategy was Kissinger's forte; he must have known already.

In 1991, all nuclear weapons stationed in South Korea were withdrawn due to agreements made with the Soviet Union.

Since then, the policy direction for America has been denuclearization of Korea, including South Korea.

"That almost derailed all negotiations. Thankfully, China eventually relented."

Li Zhaoxing declared that in response to the redeployment of nuclear weapons, he would provide North Korea with nuclear weapons.

"China giving North Korea nuclear weapons? Ridiculous. It's China that fears North Korea having nuclear arms more than the U.S."

That was true. A report from Heritage Foundation President Fulner stated that without America stepping in, China would work to prevent North Korean nuclear development from a self-serving standpoint.

"That might be the case, but anything can happen, right? Thanks to China participating in sanctions against North Korea, a tumultuous situation arose there. If China hadn't joined the sanctions… Jang Seong-taek might not have come to power."

"Wasn't that your doing? You knew the Chinese Communist Party wouldn't be fond of Kim Jong-il threatening its national interests, and you arranged this incident accordingly, didn't you?"

I was no longer surprised; Kissinger's analytical skills were exceptional.

Setting that aside, I felt uneasy that he dodged my question and purposefully deflected it, so I responded a bit huffily.

"What's so difficult about answering that? Why the evasiveness?"

Then, drawing his body toward me, he subtly stated.

"If I furnish you with an answer, will you return the favor and answer my question? Then I'll share it with you."

"Forget it. I already know what question you'll ask. Now you should leave. I have to inform the South Korean government about today's agreement."

Despite his rudeness, Kissinger wore an amicable smile as he rose.

"Then you convey it to both South Korea and North Korea. I hope this agreement is accepted as is. Please ensure that neither South nor North Korea objects to this agreement. I believe you can manage this."

Kissinger left the hotel room, and I let out a deep sigh.

I sank deep into my chair, pressing my temples firmly.

While we reached economic agreements without any major disagreements, the subsequent military agreements had caused significant headaches, resulting in my growing headache.

"Boss, please take this."

Manager Ma, noticing my condition, hurriedly brought me headache medicine and water.

I took it, tossed it into my mouth, and downed a whole bottle of water.

"Did you see the agreement clearly?"

I nodded while crumpling the empty water bottle.

"Well, it's okay, I guess. Now I need to talk about this agreement to South and North Korea. It's time to persuade them. Please contact Jang Seong-taek first."

"Yes. I'll get in touch right away."

While Manager Ma was on the phone with Jang Seong-taek, I picked up my phone and called Myeong-su.

— Where are you, Mu-hyeok?

"Where are you? Get up to my room."

— Now?

"Yeah, right now. Why? What are you doing?"

— I was drinking with Choi Ryong-hae.

"Oh really? Didn't he say anything odd?"

Upon hearing that Myeong-su was drinking with Choi Ryong-hae, I recalled my recent encounter with him.

— Not much. He just keeps squawking that South Korea has to provide more support to North Korea. Anyone listening would think we've given money to them. Oh, and he asked about you.

"What a funny fellow. Alright, let's save the details for when we meet. When can you come?"

— Well, finishing up here might take an hour or two.

"Okay, I'll wait."

Just as I hung up on Myeong-su, Manager Ma handed me the phone.

Through the receiver, I heard Jang Seong-taek's voice.

— Boss Kim. This is Jang Seong-taek.

"Chairman, congratulations to you."

After a hearty laugh, Jang Seong-taek replied.

— Thank you. It took me this long to get here thanks to you. But what reason do you have for contacting me? Did something go wrong in Singapore?

"No. I thought it would be right to communicate directly with you instead of through the Head of the General Political Bureau."

— Uh-huh… What's it about?

I explained the background and details of the agreements made between the three countries today.

After listening in silence for a long while, Jang Seong-taek finally asked.

— Are you saying that the U.S., China, and Russia came to agreements while excluding South Korea and the Republic?

"Yes. I doubt it will change drastically from here. At least I was able to ensure that no significant harm would come to North Korea by my participation."

— … Excluding the parties involved from agreements and notifying me afterwards doesn't seem quite right, does it?

I was wondering when he'd voice that out. I couldn't help but grin bitterly.

"That's the way international politics work. South Korea was no different from North Korea."