The Price of Progress (7)

Director Sekherinsky gently handed me documents from an envelope.

"Black marks are accidental deaths. Red marks are those who had to die publicly."

"Good, your skills haven't gone anywhere."

"However, over 200 new newspapers were established last year alone. There's considerable concern our activities might be reported."

"That's fine. We must accept that much."

There's a list I gave the Director when ordering him to expand Okhrana.

People to find.

People to kill.

People to surveil if difficult to kill now.

Or people to watch out for.

"Vladimir Lenin... traveling right now. How lucky."

"He seems someone you're quite interested in. Well, his brother was suspected of plotting to assassinate the previous Tsar."

"If he left for Western Europe to meet Russian exiles, further pursuit would be difficult."

"We assigned two agents to track his movements, but significant results seem unlikely."

"That's fine then."

I definitely thought Lenin would be serving hard labor in Siberia for anti-Tsar activities during this period, but he's not in the country.

'Is this also a change if anything.'

Then does this mean I can't read the Russian version of Capital written under the pseudonym Vladimir Ilyich? I rather enjoyed reading that.

"Since he's not yet a socially influential figure... kill him immediately if he returns."

"Understood."

"How's journalist control?"

"We're hitting them fairly regardless of party."

How much can newspapers sell in illiterate Russia? Anyway, recently established newspapers are all operated with backing.

There was concern all parties might turn against the Tsar if suppressing after giving press freedom... but the current State Duma is too busy fighting among themselves to care about such things.

'Human psychology is truly ridiculous. They endure their own pain when others are beaten too.'

When their newspaper is hit by Okhrana, they stay quiet if the opposing party is hit too.

"Let's just set guidelines for the press. Don't intervene too much, just teach the lesson that crossing lines brings punishment."

"Understood."

"You may go."

I tried giving the Director work by designating several names from the list as examples, and his ability is better than expected.

"Okhrana should be sufficient at this level. What's next..."

My desk resembles a battlefield daily with so many ordered tasks and ongoing projects.

Looking through them one by one carefully, documents submitted by the Foreign Ministry catch my eye.

Perhaps thinking I wouldn't know, it carefully listed current situation in Joseon, personnel relationships and basic information about the country, but reading through roughly:

[Joseon's king stays in Russian legation without returning home]

Such was the content.

"Oh..."

I thought the Far East would be peaceful for a while after good agreements and withdrawal with Japan.

Without my knowledge, another spark was being kindled in the Far East.

==

Actually, Nikolai himself had no small stake in this incident.

Agwan Pacheon.

An incident clearly showing modern Joseon's chaos that one couldn't miss unless they slept extraordinarily well during Korean history class.

The incident began when a pro-Japanese cabinet led by Kim Hong-jip and Heungseon Daewongun seized power during the Sino-Japanese War.

Oh? Wasn't Joseon a country where royal commands were absolute?- If you think this, it's not wrong. Joseon was an absolute monarchy like Russia.

However, this was only superficially so, and in reality during this time Yi Hui (Gojong) was under confinement. Ministers and father imprisoned the king and seized power.

"W-was cutting His Majesty's topknot going too far?"

"What does the Japanese side say?"

"No particular instructions or response. Just word that we're doing well came back. Yugong, any news from up there?"

"Rumors have spread to the south that the world changes overnight. Something seems to be happening but."

"Hmm... You don't know either."

"The king and crown prince secretly left the palace riding court lady palanquins!"

"Where did they go?"

"They headed to Jeongdong!"

"Jeongdong means... the Russian legation!"

It was Gojong's escape from Gyeongbok Palace.

I stared at the report for several long moments, understanding immediately the diplomatic complexities this would create. The Korean peninsula—or Joseon, as it was still properly called—represented a delicate balance of interests between China, Japan, and Russia. For the Joseon king to seek refuge in our legation was no small matter.

"Have Minister Lobanov-Rostovsky brought to me immediately," I instructed my aide. "And send for Witte as well."

While waiting, I pored over the reports more carefully. The details painted a clear picture of Japanese overreach. They had pushed too far, too fast, humiliating the Korean monarch with the forcible cutting of his traditional topknot—a profound cultural insult. Now he had fled to Russian protection, creating both an opportunity and a danger for our interests in the region.

Foreign Minister Lobanov-Rostovsky arrived first, his usual dignified composure slightly ruffled by the urgency of the summons.

"Your Majesty, I was preparing a more comprehensive briefing on the Korean situation—"

"Yet somehow this development wasn't deemed important enough to bring to my immediate attention?" I interrupted, tapping the report. "The King of Joseon hiding in our legation represents a significant shift in Far Eastern dynamics."

"We only received confirmation yesterday, Your Majesty. Our minister in Seoul, Karl Waeber, acted on his own initiative in granting sanctuary."

"Waeber made the right decision," I said firmly. "But now we must determine how to leverage this situation."

Witte arrived as we were discussing the immediate diplomatic implications, and I quickly brought him up to speed.

"This complicates our financial arrangements with Japan," Witte observed. "They were counting on Korean concessions to help finance their military expansion."

"And now they'll be furious at our interference," Lobanov-Rostovsky added.

I walked to the large map of East Asia displayed on the wall, studying the Korean peninsula's position. "Not interference—protection. We're simply sheltering a sovereign monarch from those who would deprive him of his rightful authority." I turned back to face them. "Exactly as I would expect any civilized nation to do for me, were I ever in such a position."

Both ministers exchanged glances, perhaps surprised by my firm stance.

"Your Majesty, we must tread carefully," Lobanov-Rostovsky cautioned. "Japan has just demonstrated its military capabilities against China. We are not prepared for conflict in the Far East."

"No one is suggesting war," I replied. "But neither will we shrink from protecting our interests. The Korean peninsula must not fall completely under Japanese control—that has been our policy for decades."

I returned to my desk and began drafting instructions. "Waeber is to continue providing sanctuary to King Gojong for as long as necessary. Increase our military presence in the region—nothing provocative, just enough to signal our commitment. And prepare a diplomatic note to Tokyo expressing our concern for the sovereign rights of the Korean monarchy."

Witte shifted uncomfortably. "Your Majesty, perhaps we should consider the financial implications more carefully before committing—"

"The financial implications of appearing weak before Japan would be far worse in the long term," I interrupted. "We've spent years developing our position in the Far East. I will not see it undermined through inaction."

This was unexpected—a crisis emerging in exactly the region I had spent so much time studying as Crown Prince. Perhaps fate had a sense of irony after all. But it also provided an opportunity to demonstrate my resolve on matters I understood well.

"There is another consideration," I added. "This incident reveals the fragility of Japan's position in Korea. They may have military superiority, but they lack legitimacy. The Korean people will not easily accept their king being held prisoner by foreign influences."

Lobanov-Rostovsky nodded slowly. "What is Your Majesty suggesting?"

"That we position ourselves as the protectors of Korean sovereignty against Japanese aggression. Not through direct confrontation, but through diplomatic and economic support." I paused, considering. "And perhaps we might suggest that King Gojong issue royal decrees from the safety of our legation—decrees that reassert his authority."

"That would be a direct challenge to the Japanese-backed government," Witte warned.

"Precisely," I replied. "One that forces Japan to either back down or commit to overtly controlling Korea against the wishes of its legitimate ruler. Either outcome serves our interests."

As the ministers departed with their instructions, I remained contemplating the map, particularly the port city of Port Arthur at the tip of the Liaodong Peninsula. This Korean crisis might create new possibilities there as well.

The timing was far from ideal with domestic reforms still in their early stages. Yet perhaps this was a chance to demonstrate to the Russian people that their young Tsar could protect national interests abroad while pursuing progress at home.

"Korea..." I murmured to myself. "Another piece on the board."

I turned back to my desk, pulling forward reports on our military readiness in the Far East. The game was becoming more complex by the day, but at least now I was a player, not merely a piece being moved by others. Whether I could master this unexpected development remained to be seen, but I would not shy away from the challenge.

The Far East was about to become even more interesting.