Chapter 89: Letters

 No matter how much the envoys sent to Belgium had made the Belgians despise France, they had at least accomplished one thing: they had helped the French government acquire much-needed funds. This led to the dispatch of more envoys to other regions within France where the revolutionary fervor had not yet fully taken root, but where the potential for funding was abundant.

Time was of the essence. In France, the royalists and constitutionalists who had been overthrown were gaining momentum in the provinces. Internationally, with the fall of Louis XVI's head, the hatred of France by the monarchies of Europe deepened further. The actions of France in Belgium and the Austrian Netherlands also raised concerns among the British.

The British had initially hoped that Austria and Prussia would engage France in a lively battle on the continent, allowing Britain to stand on the sidelines, watching the drama unfold and seizing any French colonies that were left unguarded. If France suffered severe defeats, Britain might even reclaim New York, stringing up the American rebels on the gallows. However, much to the surprise of British Prime Minister Pitt, the Austro-Prussian forces proved to be ineffective. Instead of advancing into France, they were pushed back into Belgium, threatening the Netherlands.

Britain also had territorial interests on the European continent, notably in Hanover, which was ruled by the Hanoverian dynasty, the same dynasty that governed Britain. Moreover, after their victory in the Anglo-Dutch War, the Dutch had become a crucial gateway for British industrial goods to enter the European market. Thus, British interests were greatly threatened. Additionally, the influence of French revolutionary ideas had begun to take root within Britain, leading to the emergence of groups like the "Equality Society," causing anxiety among British aristocrats and dignitaries. Consequently, what was once a "neutral" stance quickly changed as Britain severed diplomatic ties with France when Louis XVI's head rolled.

Now, France faced its most dangerous adversary: Britain.

Although the British army was small and posed no immediate threat to the French mainland, Britain was the wealthiest country in Europe at the time and excelled in forming alliances. Without Britain's diplomacy, many of the anti-French nations in Europe would likely have turned on each other rather than focus on France. With Britain's involvement, a formidable coalition was starting to take shape.

On March 1st, General Dumouriez led his army into the Netherlands, but not long after his forces entered, the enemy breached his rear. The enemy quickly crossed the River Roer and swiftly captured Liège, threatening Dumouriez's army from the rear.

To address the crisis, Danton personally inspected the situation in Belgium. He found that Belgium was in dire straits, so he hurriedly returned to Paris, urging an urgent mobilization.

However, at that moment, Danton's comrades in the trench, Marat and Ébér, made a point. They reminded Danton that the successful mobilization in September 1792 had a prerequisite: before sending out a large number of volunteers, Paris had to eliminate internal "traitors."

Marat spoke first, "If we can't act decisively as we did in September last year, eliminating all potential enemies, Paris can't send out large numbers of volunteers. Because as soon as we leave, those folks will launch a rebellion in Paris. So, unless there's another bloody September, we won't agree to send out volunteers."

"Our enemies are already at the gates of France," Danton said.

"No, our enemies have already infiltrated Paris, and some are even hiding in the assembly!" Marat replied.

"Do you have any evidence?" Danton asked.

"No concrete evidence, but my friend Joseph has noticed many unusual activities. Some people are even getting too cozy with that Austrian woman!" Ébér said.

The "Austrian woman" referred to the imprisoned Queen Marie Antoinette, and "Joseph" was undoubtedly Joseph Fouché.

Ever since he had cast his vote in favor of the execution of the king in the previous vote, Joseph Fouché had unhesitatingly taken a seat on the left side. However, Robespierre had not forgotten that Fouché had betrayed him once. Moreover, Fouché's betrayal this time, especially considering Robespierre's moral rigor, had left him disdainful. So, Robespierre maintained a cold attitude toward him. Danton knew that Robespierre disliked Fouché, and he wasn't too fond of him either.

To secure his position among the Mountain faction, Fouché had acted more radical than most of the Mountain's members on certain issues. In some matters, even Marat and Ébér couldn't match his radicalism. This allowed him to establish a connection with Marat and Ébér.

Upon hearing that the information came from Fouché, Danton fell silent for a moment. He knew that, despite Fouché's lack of scruples, he had an exceptional ability to gather information. Even though Fouché was unreliable, he didn't spread falsehoods. He always used genuine information to manipulate his enemies.

After a moment, Danton spoke, "France needs order; we can't afford another September like last year. It may hurt our enemies, but it will also harm us. Let's establish a Revolutionary Tribunal to handle these matters, but we can't allow unchecked anarchy."

"Why should we trust your Revolutionary Tribunal?" Ébér asked.

"This tribunal will be accountable to a committee," Danton said. "We'll form a 'Committee of Public Safety,' and its members will be staunch patriots. You can see..."

Danton's warning in the Assembly didn't receive much attention. Some Girondins even suspected that Danton's alarming statements were merely a ploy to secure more power for the Mountain. After all, the situation had significantly improved compared to the events of '92. Danton's proposal to create a "Committee of Public Safety" only solidified their suspicions, causing chaos in the Assembly.

However, the subsequent developments took nearly everyone by surprise. On March 18th, Dumouriez's army suffered defeats by the smaller Austrian forces, first at Neerwinden and then at Louvain on March 21st. His retreat almost led to the loss of all of Belgium.

Someone had to be held accountable for such failures. In the National Convention, various pieces of incriminating information regarding Dumouriez were revealed: embezzlement of army funds, exploitation of soldiers, and conspiring with the king against the revolution.

Yes, the letters found in the king's safe were brought to light, containing various conspiracies involving Dumouriez and the king. Although the evidence was limited and vague, some had seen these letters a few months earlier. However, at that time, Dumouriez was on a winning streak, becoming a hero defending the republic, so everyone had silently ignored these letters. Nevertheless, they had not been entirely forgotten, and now they resurfaced.

The Girondins blamed the Mountain, especially Danton, for supporting Dumouriez and held them responsible for the situation. The Mountain, in turn, accused the Girondins of opposing the creation of the "Committee of Public Safety" and the national mobilization, which had led to the current crisis.

During the debates, the newly elected Mountain deputy, Carnot, provided a detailed analysis of the military situation, concluding that if France didn't achieve comprehensive and efficient nationwide mobilization, it would inevitably fail in the ongoing war.

Although the Girondins opposed the Mountain's motions, they were aware of Carnot's military expertise and his impeccable character. This made them appear increasingly passive when countering the proposals.

To salvage the situation, the National Convention decided to send a delegation of five members, led by Borlève, to Dumouriez's army. They were to inquire about certain matters, and if necessary, arrest him and bring him to Paris for trial.

Philippe Égalité, formerly the Duke of Orléans, left the National Convention and returned to his home. The changes in the situation had completely deviated from his initial expectations when he initially joined the revolution. At first, he had hoped to overthrow the Bourbon dynasty and establish an Orléans monarchy. However, while the Bourbon dynasty had indeed been overthrown, the Orléans monarchy had vanished without a trace. In fact, not only the Orléans monarchy but even the Orléans family's ducal titles had been abolished by the revolutionary government. For self-preservation, he had even adopted a rather ridiculous new name.

But now, the former Duke, with a sheet of paper before him, gazed at a map for a long while. He then entered his study and busied himself for a good half-hour before emerging with a sealed letter in hand. He pulled a cord beside his desk, ringing a bell outside. A servant came in and asked, "Your Highness, is there something you require?"

"Philippe, there's a task I'd like you to undertake," the former Duke said.

"Assisting Your Highness is an honor," Philippe replied.

"I need you to personally visit Louis and deliver this letter to him," the former Duke said. "Act quickly, discreetly, and ensure this letter doesn't fall into the wrong hands. Do you understand?"

"I understand, Your Highness. You can rest assured; I will ensure that this letter reaches the Duke of Chartres's hands in a timely manner," Philippe replied.