Dissent

A century has passed, and the young city

Has become the jewel and miracle of the north.

From dark forests and marshlands,

It has raised its splendid, proud head high.

The Neva is clad in marble,

Tall bridges span the waves.

And beside this young capital,

The ancient Moscow fades.

Like a widowed empress before

The newly crowned queen.

— Excerpt from Pushkin's long poem "The Bronze Horseman"

Saint Petersburg, both in appearance and spirit, stands in stark contrast to Moscow.

Moscow is the starting point of the Russian Empire, the birthplace of the Grand Duchy of Moscow. In Nicholas's memory, Moscow seemed like a vast rural area. From the very center at Red Square, stretching several kilometers outward, the city mostly consisted of two- or three-story wooden buildings. Apart from the suburban factories and railways, everything seemed frozen in time.

However, Peter the Great chose Saint Petersburg as the capital of the Russian Empire, breaking away from the traditional capitals of Tsarist Russia and imposing everything Western upon the Russians. This shift fractured traditional Russian customs, yet Peter the Great's ambition forged a new imperial vision.

This was Nicholas's first time seeing the city that Peter I had established. After stepping out of the grand, neo-classical marble train station in Saint Petersburg, he took an open carriage ride along the banks of the Neva River.

As previously mentioned, everything in Saint Petersburg is completely different from Moscow. This is Russia's gateway to the West, a young and Westernized city. The banks of the Neva River encapsulate nearly two centuries of architectural evolution. Baroque and Rococo buildings stand tall, characterized by symmetry and grandeur, yet balanced with intricate decorations.

The more Nicholas observed, the more he felt this city lacked traditional Russian cultural elements. Straight streets, high spire churches, bridges rising on steam engines, canals, docks, and mills—these broad waterways were filled with bustling ships, reflecting the typical image of a Western European port city.

Perhaps this was what Peter the Great intended to bring to the Russians? Before Nicholas could ponder further, the carriage passed through Mars Field and entered Saint Petersburg's Triumphal Arch, heading away from Nevsky Prospekt and the Neva River toward the Winter Palace.

The red and yellow facade of the Winter Palace was striking, and its gates were open to welcome the long-absent Tsarevich Nicholas. There was no formal welcoming ceremony this time; only Alexander III stood on the steps, waiting for his son's return.

"Father."

Nicholas, feeling somewhat awkward, didn't know how to greet his towering father and managed only a stiff salutation.

"Hmm," Alexander III responded. His paternal love was equally restrained. He simply said, "Follow me."

The corridors of the Winter Palace seemed endless, with only the heavy footsteps of Alexander III's military boots echoing on the floor. Nicholas, head bowed, followed his father closely, noticing the chipped paint on his father's boots. 

In his previous incarnation, he remembered his father as a man of frugality and simplicity.

Alexander III rarely dined on royal cuisine, preferring the simple meals he had shared with soldiers during his time as a colonel. However, his frugality sometimes bordered on excessive simplicity, causing concern among the court physicians about its potential impact on his health.

The Emperor also detested lavish attire, preferring simple and plain clothing. Just like the long military boots he was wearing now, he insisted on wearing his clothes, trousers, and boots until they were completely worn out.

If his attendants brought him a pair of expensive, brand-new patent leather boots, he would angrily throw the new shoes out the window.

Similarly, Alexander III disliked the opulent decorations of the Winter Palace and often chose to reside in the more austere Gatchina Palace, which resembled a large military camp.

The lifestyle of "the perfect regimental commander" from his military days carried over into his daily life—serious, diligent, and beyond reproach.

"Come in."

While Nicholas was momentarily distracted, Alexander III had already opened the door to his office in the Winter Palace.

Inside, several people were seated. Upon hearing the door open, they all stood up unhurriedly.

To the left, the first person was the stern and rigid old professor, Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod, Konstantin Pobedonostsev.

Next to him was the Minister of the Interior, Dmitry Durnovo, with his peculiar forked beard.

To the right was the Deputy Minister of the Interior, Vyacheslav Konstantinovich Plehve, a lawyer Nicholas rarely encountered. Nicholas's impression of him, similar to Durnovo, was of a cold, anti-Semitic, and shrewd man.

The second person on the right was Prince Vladimir Petrovich Meshchersky, a flamboyantly dressed and frivolous man. Meshchersky was a top figure in Saint Petersburg's social circles, known for his sycophantic ways and high-level connections.

"Take your seats."

Amidst this group of intriguing ministers and nobles, Alexander III's presence still dominated the room.

After he spoke, everyone who had stood to greet the Emperor and the Tsarevich took their seats again.

"My eldest son, Nicholas, has been conducting a survey in the countryside for a full three months," Alexander III explained to the four individuals with varying expressions. "Now, Nicholas, tell us about the situation of the peasants."

In this long-forgotten moment of tension, Nicholas opened his mouth, and the Emperor's spacious office fell into a brief silence.

"Um... I started my survey in Riga..."

Nicholas began by discussing his observations in the Baltic regions and Lithuania. His comments on the Stolypin estate prompted Alexander III to interrupt him.

"You believe that the kulaks are superior to the current communal village system in Russia?"

"...Indeed."

Pobedonostsev immediately shook his head upon hearing this.

Durnovo occasionally glanced at the Emperor, watching his reactions.

Plehve seemed like he wanted to say something but remained silent after looking at Durnovo.

Meshchersky appeared to be daydreaming, uninterested in Nicholas's observations.

"Continue."

At his father's prompting, Nicholas nodded and continued to speak in a voice that, though not as loud as his father's, was clear enough. He shared his thoughts on what he had seen in Belarus and Ukraine.

"...Therefore, I believe that although the peasants were legally freed and given liberty during my grandfather's era, they remain in a state of serfdom due to a lack of education and the corruption and tyranny of officials. This has led to persistent poverty, making it impossible for rural areas to resist the spread of disasters when natural calamities strike."

As Nicholas had anticipated, a storm was about to break out as soon as he finished speaking.

"Hmm."

Alexander III neither agreed nor disagreed with Nicholas's conclusions. Instead, he turned to his trusted advisors, each wearing a different expression.

"What do you think, my loyal subjects?" he asked.

**Polished Version**:

The first to speak, already showing signs of impatience, was Pobedonostsev, the most serious and rigid ultra-conservative in the government.

"Self-indulgence leads to edema."

Pobedonostsev began with a Latin proverb before earnestly trying to persuade Crown Prince Nicholas to abandon his thoughts that contradicted Russia's old traditions.

"By nature, we are exceedingly fond of the beautiful forms, organization, and external structures of various things. Therefore, we desire to imitate and transplant those foreign institutions and forms that impress us with their outward rigor into our own country."

This old professor had been teaching at the Moscow University Law Faculty since 1862, so his words were rigorous, precise, eloquent, and fluent.

"But at the same time, we forget or realize too late that any form created by history is derived from historical conditions and developed within history. It is a logical conclusion that must be drawn from the past. No one can change or evade their history. History itself and all phenomena and activities formed by the daily life of society are the products of the national spirit, just as an individual's history is actually the product of their own spirit."

In short, in his view, every country has its own unique historical tradition, and Russia, in particular, has its own very distinctive historical characteristics. Therefore, all national affairs should start from their own historical traditions and absolutely should not blindly adopt foreign elements.

Nicholas was already somewhat familiar with Pobedonostsev's theory, which could be called organic nationalism, meaning that the institutions, culture, and traditions that naturally develop in a nation's history are the best.

He could accept the British parliamentary system because it was the result of Britain's natural organic development, but he did not agree with other countries imitating Britain to establish a parliamentary system, especially opposing its implementation in Russia.

So, what traditions did Pobedonostsev believe Russians should follow?

The answer was: autocracy, Orthodoxy, and Russian nationalism.

Therefore, it was not an exaggeration to say that he was the most influential figure in the cultural, ideological, and religious fields in Alexander III's government.

"Your words are philosophical, Mr. Pobedonostsev."

Pobedonostsev was Nicholas's teacher, so Nicholas first retreated to advance, then he turned to inquire.

"But from what I have seen and heard, the abolition of serfdom only nominally freed the peasants, while in reality, it greatly increased their burden. Ransom payments, taxes, and labor have created numerous conflicts in the countryside. How should this be resolved?"

A large part of the peasants' income had to be paid to the state because, at the time of the serf emancipation, the serfs did not have the ransom money to gain their freedom; this money was paid by the state to the nobles.

Therefore, the peasants had to repay the ransom along with interest over 45 years, which was a heavy loan.

**Polished Version:**

"It is unfortunate that as the moral principles of leadership weaken, leaders become driven by a fatal desire for protection and the allocation of high and low positions."

Of course, Pobedonostsev was not one to spout nonsense. He acknowledged the Crown Prince's concerns about the current lack of discipline and rampant corruption among officials.

"However, Your Highness, we should take the supreme God and the moral principles inscribed in every person's soul and conscience as our origin and foundation... This will maintain the noble mission of power and prompt it to deeply consider the people and the tasks entrusted to them..."

Yet, he disagreed with the Crown Prince's idea of changing the old system to enrich the peasants. Pobedonostsev believed that the bureaucracy should be guided by high moral principles to control their use of power.

"...Therefore, power does not exist for itself but for God; it is a destined service."

"..."

Nicholas struggled to keep up with Pobedonostsev's convoluted and obscure rhetoric. While his Russian was clear and standard, the complex sentences made it easy for Nicholas to lose track of the latter parts.

"Am I to understand, teacher, that you believe in strictly disciplining the bureaucracy?"

"You could say that," the nearly 65-year-old Pobedonostsev nodded calmly after his long speech, "but Your Highness, do not forget that Russian history has proven that the autocratic system is unshakeable!"

Pobedonostsev believed that if the commune system was shaken, the peasant class controlled by the communes would disintegrate, and with it, the autocratic system based on it would also collapse.

This was unacceptable to him.

"Durnovo, what do you think?"

After expressing his views, Alexander III turned to the next person.

The short and energetic Interior Minister Durnovo stroked his dark brown beard while slowly picking up some documents for careful reading. Nicholas knew it was Witte's "Report."

"Well... Your Highness, forgive me, but I have a question." He leaned in, scrutinized the documents, and then looked up at Nicholas. "Is this report your idea, or is it the Finance Minister Witte's?"

"This is a collective opinion formed after internal discussions within the investigation team."

Nicholas responded smoothly.

"Um... As far as I know... yes, a few civil servants from the Interior Ministry who accompanied the team reported to me that Your Highness intended to focus the meeting on improving the economic conditions of the peasants?"

"...Indeed."

"So, am I to understand that the meeting you convened was not a comprehensive, broad, and thorough discussion of rural issues?"

"There is no perfect solution; this is my choice."

Nicholas emphasized, looking towards his father, but Alexander III showed no reaction.

Durnovo's implication was that the meeting could be categorized as one-sided and incomplete.

"Of course, the Crown Prince's investigative report has provided some enlightenment to the government, including our past belief that wealthy peasants were harmful to the Russian countryside."

Durnovo nodded and began to evade the issue.

"However, to conclude that the commune system should be overthrown based on the advantages of wealthy peasants—couldn't that be hasty? Your Highness, you must understand that the communes include tens of millions of peasants. How many can become wealthy? If the peasants lose their last land and fall into destitution, how should these people be dealt with? If the number of these proletarians increases, how can Russia avoid falling into turmoil?"

Durnovo's series of questions all aimed to negate Nicholas's proposals from the perspective of social stability.

Nicholas had to present new theories to refine his report.