Chapter 102: Turmoil

 Joseph shared his thoughts with Carnot. Carnot pondered for a moment and replied, "Joseph, we don't currently need someone like Napoleon in Italy. While the Kingdom of Sardinia has allied with Austria and joined the coalition against us, they're merely offering verbal support. The Alps separate us, and the Italians won't easily cross them. They are not the Romans under Caesar. As for us, we can't spare forces for an Italian campaign at the moment. But I understand your point..."

Carnot chuckled and continued, "There won't be any heroic epics coming from Vendée anytime soon. Although the region may not stabilize in the short term, the rebellions will be minor and lack glory. It's nothing but trouble. So, where do you think I should assign him? Perhaps it's best to bring him back to Paris for now? Give him command of the newly formed Fifth Legion. What do you think? This way, his promotion and responsibilities will be sorted out. Napoleon can also handpick some of his trusted subordinates for the new legion."

To be honest, Joseph wasn't too keen on having Napoleon return to Paris right now. It wasn't because Carnot's proposal for Napoleon's role wasn't suitable. Joseph knew that these newly formed legions, despite being mainly composed of recruits, were more politically reliable than the existing forces. These units were the core of the National Convention's military. Leading such a force would undoubtedly benefit Napoleon.

Joseph's hesitation stemmed from the unrest in Paris. The power struggle between the Jacobins and the Brissotins had escalated rapidly. The Jacobin Club had recently expelled Brissot, and their opponents were primarily Jacobins' splinter factions. The Brissotins, on the other hand, had launched several offensives against Jacobin members. For example, they had recently ousted Danton from the Committee of Public Safety.

However, this didn't mean that the Brissotins had an upper hand; in fact, they were at a disadvantage. Because they had pushed for the Committee of Public Safety's reformation and ousted the vulnerable Danton, they had unintentionally allowed Robespierre and Saint-Just to join. Danton was a skillful politician, known for being cautious, and willing to compromise when necessary. In contrast, Robespierre and Saint-Just were less likely to compromise.

Thus, from any perspective, the Brissotins had made a grave mistake.

Additionally, in their effort to support the expansion of the military, the revolutionary government had ramped up the printing of assignats, leading to confusion in the economy and further deterioration of the financial situation. Paris faced another food shortage, and Joseph knew that this was the most critical issue, one that could easily lead to a revolution. So, Joseph wasn't too thrilled about Napoleon's return to Paris at this time.

However, Joseph understood that rejecting Carnot's suggestion wouldn't be wise. Carnot had become closer to Robespierre and was widely seen as one of the core figures of the Jacobins. There might be political considerations behind Carnot's move to bring Napoleon back to Paris and put him in charge of a newly formed, loyal legion. Refusing such a request could create a rift between Joseph and Carnot.

"Regardless, even if there are unforeseen circumstances, the Jacobins will undoubtedly emerge as the victors," Joseph thought. "So, perhaps it's not such a bad idea to bring Napoleon to Paris. As long as he's controlled and doesn't create any trouble."

"Currently, Paris is in turmoil," Joseph cautiously replied, "But if you, Lazare, think it's fine, then I believe it's a good decision. However, you know, many people have their reservations about Napoleon, especially after the loss of Arras. And Napoleon, that man, is known for being audacious and acting on his own."

Carnot laughed heartily, "Many people have reservations about Napoleon? Are you referring to the Brissotins? They can say what they want, but everyone can see Napoleon's achievements. His actions are undeniable. As for Arras, it wasn't his fault. The records of the trials for the rebels in Vendée and their leader, Dugast, prove that. In fact, some individuals closely linked to the Brissotins were ineffective during the Vendée uprising. Furthermore, Fouché's report on the suppression of the Le Mans revolt also confirms this. So, you don't need to worry about your brother. Besides, Paris has me, and you think I'd let anyone bully Napoleon?"

With the conversation having reached this point, Joseph couldn't say much more. He expressed his satisfaction with Carnot's arrangement for Napoleon's future.

"Lazare, who will replace Napoleon?" Joseph inquired.

"General Cartaux will take over as the military commander," Carnot replied.

"Him? Is he capable enough?"

"He may not be on par with Napoleon, but many people support him. As long as he doesn't make too many waves, there shouldn't be a significant issue. He'll be responsible solely for military matters. Other affairs can be handled by Fréron."

Carnot furrowed his brow slightly, revealing his dissatisfaction with this appointment. However, it seemed that even if Joseph had disagreed, Carnot would still have brought Napoleon back.

As Joseph had anticipated, Paris soon plunged into chaos. Just a week after Napoleon's return, another uprising broke out, led by Marat.

Marat's rebellion organization and preparations were far from meticulous. The National Convention and the Committee of Public Safety had been monitoring Marat's activities for a while. In fact, he had been arrested again two weeks earlier and swiftly sent to the Revolutionary Tribunal.

However, the Revolutionary Tribunal had many Jacobins as judges. So, they suddenly remembered the fundamental principle of "innocent until proven guilty" and, just as swiftly as they sentenced others to death, declared that the evidence against Marat was insufficient and the case unclear. Marat was acquitted and released within a day.

This turn of events emboldened Marat further, and he relentlessly accused some Brissotin-aligned deputies of collaborating with big merchants or being merchants themselves, holding them responsible for the country's economic difficulties.

"It's the greed of these enemies of the people that makes life so hard, and the Republic's future so dim. If we don't purge our internal enemies, we can't resist external threats!"

He reminded people not to forget that when the war had just begun, the enemy had occupied Verdun. But as soon as the French people arrested the traitors hiding in the palace, they saw a turning point and victory on the battlefield.

"So, as long as we apprehend those traitors hiding in the National Convention, the Republic will be saved!"

Of course, Marat was known for his fiery rhetoric. He had once proclaimed that to secure the Republic, we should cut off the heads of a hundred thousand profiteers.

However, two events quickly changed the situation. First, the revelation of arms dealer Espagne's involvement in producing subpar weapons, with close ties to many deputies. Second, some Brissotin deputies proposed a motion to cease the activities of the Paris Commune.

Both these events caused widespread anger. As for the second event, it made the entire Paris Commune feel threatened. Thus, an uprising erupted.

The National Guard of Paris wholeheartedly sided with the Paris Commune, while the army, led by Napoleon, would not support the Brissotins. Consequently, the National Convention found itself surrounded. The Paris Commune aimed its cannons at the Convention, threatening to bombard it. This was mostly a show of force because the Convention consisted mainly of Jacobin deputies.

In reality, the Convention had no military strength of its own, and the Paris Commune wouldn't need cannons to arrest its members. However, it was reported that, after discussions with Marat, Robespierre had suggested the Paris Commune provide a list of traitors and evidence and have the Convention vote on arresting them.

So, Marat provided the list and "evidence" and personally read out the accusations in the Convention. The Convention began voting on the charges.

Over twenty deputies, primarily key figures of the Brissotins, including Brissot himself and the Roland couple, were on the list. However, during the vote, several deputies who had previously supported the Brissotins switched sides and cast votes in favor of finding these deputies guilty. They had realized that their names were not on the list, and they feared that if they voted against the charges, their names might appear on the next list.

As a result, the Convention, under the threat of the cannons and bayonets of the Paris Commune, swiftly rendered a verdict. They found that Marat's charges against these deputies were clear and supported by sufficient evidence. Consequently, these over twenty deputies were handed over to the Revolutionary Tribunal. Just like that, they were condemned to death and swiftly executed, just as Marat had been acquitted.

Shortly afterward, Marat claimed that there were even more internal enemies in France.

"Only this many?" he remarked. "We haven't even reached a hundred thousand yet."

With this statement, many former Brissotin deputies started fearing for their lives, and they began to flee. The purge against the Brissotins continued. Previously, only the top leaders of the Brissotins had faced the guillotine, but now anyone who had supported the Brissotins could be accused of being a traitor and promptly sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Tribunal. The bloodshed around the Place de la Concorde, where the guillotine was set up, was so intense that residents nearby protested, saying that the smell of blood was affecting their sleep.

As Victor Hugo once said, "Downstairs, a man is dying, and next door, a family is listening to a phonograph; across the street, children are playing. Upstairs, two men are laughing and another is playing cards. On the river, a woman is crying for her deceased mother. The joy and sorrow of humanity are out of tune; I only feel that they are noisy."

The residents near the Place de la Concorde seemed to share a similar sentiment.

During the intense activity at the guillotine, the core countries of the anti-French coalition, led by the troublemakers from "Shit-stirrer Land," finally took action.

They took advantage of the infighting among the French republicans, including the conflict between the Brissotins and Jacobins. With the support of the British, they planned a series of betrayals.

This time, they set their sights on Toulon, the largest naval port in the Mediterranean, where they had contacts with royalist sympathizers. With British support, they quickly organized a rebellion, taking control of Toulon.

During this period, the French navy lost nearly half its fleet in the uprising. Toulon's fall was a significant blow to France since it was the country's most important naval base, fully equipped to support a large number of ships. With the resources of Toulon at their disposal, the coalition could now potentially launch an expeditionary force.

Moreover, the capture of Toulon meant the interruption of France's connection to North Africa. In the midst of economic hardships, this was a heavy blow to France.