New alliance

The bus journey had been long and tiresome, but the private room still hosted several passengers who had not disembarked. Among them, a young passenger cautiously approached the window and whispered to an elderly man still engrossed in the passing scenery. "Your Excellency, we have arrived," he said gently. The elderly man, startled from his reverie, was none other than Serbian Prime Minister Protic. He stood up swiftly, his eyes scanning the familiar faces of his staff. "Then let's go down," he declared, signaling the end of their journey from Belgrade through Targuzhu and Petrosani, and finally into Romania.

As the bus had traversed the vibrant Romanian landscapes, Prime Minister Protic couldn't help but envy the bustling activity he observed. It was the season for wheat cultivation, and the fields were alive with farmers busily engaging in fertilization and irrigation, utilizing a plethora of mechanical equipment. The railways too were a hive of activity, with freight trains frequently passing by—three heading abroad and two within Romania in just one hour. This observation alone spoke volumes about Romania's economic vitality.

Upon entering Bucharest, the contrast with Belgrade was stark, with noticeably more factories dotting the landscape. Protic had heard that Constanta, Romania's largest industrial city, was even more prosperous. A sense of worry gnawed at him, fearing that Romania's economic ascent might come at a high cost.

After disembarking the bus, a group of formally dressed staff awaited on the platform. Their faces brightened upon seeing the Serbian delegation, and they approached promptly. The leader of the group, noticing the protective stance of Protic's entourage, extended his hands in a gesture of peace. Prime Minister Protic, understanding the intent, signaled his staff to stand down and allowed the leader to approach.

"Prime Minister Protic, this is Romanian Foreign Minister Barnosque. Welcome to Romania," the leader whispered, his voice carrying a mix of formality and warmth. "We have kept the welcome low-key due to the need for confidentiality. I hope you understand."

Protic, appreciating the discreet reception, replied, "Thank you, Foreign Minister, for the personal welcome. Given the current tensions with Bulgaria, I am eager for the negotiations to commence as soon as possible."

"Indeed, Prime Minister. We share your urgency," responded Foreign Minister Barnosque. "You may rest today, and we shall begin discussions tomorrow."

"That would be ideal. I look forward to fruitful negotiations," Protic said, hopeful of reaching a mutual understanding.

Foreign Minister Barnosque then escorted the Serbian delegation to the Kingdom Hotel, where a separate three-story building had been arranged for their stay. Once in his room, Prime Minister Protic turned to his staff, "You all go out and rest, prepare for tomorrow's negotiations."

Acknowledging his directive, a senior staff member responded, "We will leave now, Prime Minister. Please rest early yourself."

With a dismissive wave, Protic was left alone. The long train journey had taken its toll, and he needed to recuperate for the challenges ahead.

The following day, in the hotel's negotiation room, Romanian Prime Minister Bretianu and Foreign Minister Barnosk awaited Protic's arrival. To pass the time, they engaged in light conversation. "Imagine Protic's reaction if he knew Bulgaria's Prime Minister Geschov was also here to discuss terms of accession," mused Bretianu.

"That would indeed be interesting," Barnosk replied, half-joking. The mood was surprisingly relaxed considering the gravity of the discussions about to take place.

Romania's terms for supporting Serbia's EU accession were straightforward yet bold: Serbia must back Romania in acquiring approximately 22,000 square kilometers encompassing four Bulgarian cities—Dobrich, Ruse, Suman, and Varna. Additionally, Romania sought the endorsement of the Russian government to bolster their position.

As the staff member announced Protic's arrival, the Romanian leaders adjusted their attire and prepared to greet him. Protic entered with an air of seasoned diplomacy, matched by the professional smiles of his hosts.

"Welcome to Romania, Your Excellency," Bretianu greeted enthusiastically, shaking Protic's hand.

"Thank you, friends. It feels like coming home," Protic responded, reciprocating the warmth.

With pleasantries exchanged, the negotiations commenced. Barnosk opened the discussion with a focus on peace, perhaps overly so, as if aiming for a Nobel Peace Prize. Protic, however, understood the underlying strategy—it was not merely about peace but about positioning Romania as a mediator compelled by regional stability rather than self-interest.

"In fact, Serbia too is peace-loving, but Bulgaria's aggression and their refusal to disband their oversized military is alarming," Protic countered, setting the tone for his arguments. He painted Bulgaria as a threat, indirectly justifying the hefty demands Romania was about to make.

Bretianu took the cue and detailed their observation of Bulgaria's unfriendly actions towards neighbors, suggesting humanitarian intervention from the Danube to the Black Sea as a solution, subtly hinting at the territorial adjustments they sought.

Protic, reviewing the map handed to him, realized the extent of Romania's demands—nearly half the size of the disputed Macedonian territory they were contesting with Bulgaria and Greece. The audacity of the request took him aback, yet he knew the strategic implications were significant.

The discussion veered towards the necessity of Russian support, a topic that Protic found uncomfortable yet inevitable. "I cannot influence Russian decisions directly," he admitted reluctantly.

Bretianu, seizing the moment, pressed, "But you can guide their decision-making process."

Caught in a geopolitical tug-of-war, Protic proposed a brief recess. "Let us pause for three days, allowing Serbia to consider its position."

"Agreed," Bretianu concluded, setting the stage for another intense round of diplomacy.

As Protic left the negotiation room, his mind raced with the implications of Romania's demands. If he could sway Russia to support Romania's terms, the balance of power might shift favorably for Serbia. With these thoughts, he directed his steps towards the Russian Embassy, determined to play his part in the intricate dance of diplomacy that lay ahead.

"Ambassador Feralowski, thank you very much for your assistance. We in Serbia will certainly remember this act of friendship," said Prime Minister Protic, after glancing at the telegram. He had good reason to be grateful. The Russian ambassador was set to join the negotiations between Serbia and Romania, and his presence was expected to be nothing but courteous. This time, luck seemed to favor Ambassador Feralowski immensely. Serbia was in urgent need of negotiating, and it was his duty to represent Russia, making him the fortunate recipient of this task.

Ambassador Feralowski responded with a smile to Prime Minister Protic, "Then, Prime Minister, I will endorse the results of this negotiation on behalf of the Russian government in the upcoming discussions."

"Thank you, Ambassador," Protic replied. After their brief conversation, Ambassador Feralowski prepared to leave. Before departing, he inquired about the timing of the negotiations. "So, when will the negotiations commence?"

"The morning after tomorrow, in the conference room of this hotel," answered Prime Minister Protic.

Once Ambassador Feralowski left, Prime Minister Protic felt a sense of relief. Over the past two days, he hadn't confined himself to the hotel but had wandered around Bucharest, the capital of Romania, to gauge the local economic situation—prices, wages, and living pressures. Overall, it seemed the Romanians were reaping the benefits of economic development. Despite some drawbacks, such as the increased number of inebriated individuals on the streets and occasional traffic congestion due to narrow roads, these issues also indirectly highlighted the growing affluence in Romania. With a population that had reached 8 million by the end of 1912, including foreigners, Romania was significantly larger than Serbia's 3.34 million, and even more so when combined with neighboring countries. The fertile plains of Romania had made it the second-largest food exporter in Europe, a fact that made Prime Minister Protic quite envious.

The prosperity of Bucharest surpassed that of Belgrade, and it was said that the coastal city of Constanta was developing just as rapidly. However, Protic could not afford to visit; he needed to focus on the upcoming negotiations.

On the day the negotiations resumed, Prime Minister Bretianu and Foreign Minister Barnosk of Romania were already waiting in the conference room. They had been informed the previous day that a Russian representative would participate in the talks, a piece of news that had thrilled them. They knew the historical closeness between Bulgaria and Russia and had not expected Russia to support Romania's conditions so readily.

Prime Minister Bretianu and Foreign Minister Barnosk greeted Prime Minister Protic and Ambassador Feralowski as they entered. The negotiations began with Foreign Minister Barnosk smilingly inquiring, "Your Excellency Prime Minister Protic, how does Serbia view our conditions this time?"

"I am here now, which should clarify our stance," replied Prime Minister Protic, his tone light but firm.

Prime Minister Bretianu, less gently this time, sought confirmation, "So, is the Serbian government affirming our control over the Bulgarian territories from the town of Svishtov on the Danube to the town of Preslav and extending to the Black Sea?"

Prime Minister Protic responded solemnly, "We agree to Romania's sovereignty over the aforementioned areas and will confirm this during the future peace negotiations with Bulgaria."

Hearing this, Bretianu turned to Ambassador Feralowski, who knew it was his turn to speak on behalf of Russia. "The Russian government also agrees with this condition set by Romania and will support it in the upcoming peace negotiations," he confirmed.

Satisfied with the responses, Prime Minister Bretianu then proposed, "With both Russian and Serbian representatives agreeing to our conditions, we can now proceed to discuss the deployment of troops."

Prime Minister Protic quickly stated Serbia's terms, "We hope Romania will declare war on Bulgaria at the onset of hostilities and commit no fewer than 400,000 troops to the effort."

Prime Minister Bretianu countered, "Our army can commit to more than 200,000 troops, and we assure you that Romania will enter the war no later than five days after its declaration."

Dissatisfied, Protic pressed on, "Even our Serbian forces can mobilize 300,000 troops. As allies, it's imperative to declare war as swiftly as possible."

Bretianu explained further, "We can declare war within four days, but that's the earliest given our preparations. Rest assured, the 200,000 Romanian troops will be sufficient to subdue Bulgaria."

Negotiations on the timing of the war declaration and troop deployment continued into the evening. The final terms of the Cerro Secret Treaty stipulated that Romania would declare war against Bulgaria within four days of the outbreak and send at least 10,000 troops within three days of the declaration. In return, Serbia would support Romania's sovereignty over the Bulgarian territories from Svishtov to Preslav along the Black Sea, covering about 22,000 square kilometers. Russia would endorse this agreement and use its influence to secure the support of Britain and France.

After the negotiations concluded, Prime Minister Protic hurried back to Serbia by train that evening, as reports indicated Bulgarian military movements. Within three days, Greece and Montenegro also joined the alliance, forming a robust anti-Bulgarian bloc that now included Romania, Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro. This alliance, formed without any concessions from Serbia, was a testament to the strategic benefits of diplomacy and mutual interests.