Negotiation

The representatives from various Balkan nations had already convened in London, awaiting the arrival of the delegates from the Ottoman Empire. Among them were the Bulgarian Foreign Minister Tiras Rochi, Serbian Foreign Minister Milanovic, Greek Foreign Minister Constantine, Montenegro Foreign Minister Nidnoyav, and Romanian Foreign Minister Barno Sk. Representatives from the major European powers were also present, underscoring the significance of these negotiations.

The Ottoman Empire's Foreign Minister, Kahevich, arrived in London on December 11th. The following day, negotiations commenced. Bulgarian Foreign Minister Tiras Rochi took the initiative, presenting the demands of the Balkan states to Minister Kahevich. The terms were straightforward yet severe: the Ottoman Empire was to cede all continental territories west of Enez to Midiya on the Black Sea to the Balkan nations, along with every island in the Sea of Love. Notably, the demands did not compel the Ottoman Empire to pay any indemnities or reduce its military forces.

Upon reviewing the terms, Minister Kahevich expressed his concerns, noting the harshness of these conditions for the Ottomans. In response, Minister Rochi retorted with marked arrogance, "This is our final offer. If your Excellency finds it too severe, perhaps the Ottoman army should return to the battlefield." His gaze then shifted to Romanian Foreign Minister Barno Sk, who understood the implication. Previously, Bulgaria had discussed its debt of 4,000 square kilometers of territory to Romania. Minister Barno Sk, compelled by the circumstances, declared loudly, "Romania also believes this to be the most generous concession possible for the Ottomans. Surely, you wouldn't want us to push the border beyond Istanbul, would you?"

This statement placed Minister Kahevich in a difficult position. With Romania, arguably the most potent Balkan country, yet to conclude its business, the Ottomans were in a precarious state. If Romania were to join forces with the other Balkan states, even Istanbul might fall. Serbian Foreign Minister Milanovic added his thoughts, reinforcing the unified stance of the Balkan nations and mentioning that Serbian forces were already positioned alongside Bulgarian troops at the frontline.

Minister Kahevich, now aware of the scale of military presence near Adrianople, found himself at a loss for words. "The conditions you've set forth will require deliberation by my government. Please excuse me," he stated, before hastily exiting the meeting with the Ottoman delegation, leaving the Balkan representatives in a mix of amusement and triumph. Their laughter filled the room, a stark contrast to the somber departure of the Ottomans, reflecting years of suppressed grievances now finding expression.

Back in the Ottoman Empire, the transmission of these severe terms caused uproar and indignation among the government officials. Despite their outrage, they faced the undeniable military strength of the 700,000-strong Balkan forces. Previous attempts to garner support from Austria-Hungary and Germany had yielded little, leaving the Ottomans with few options.

This dire situation saw the resurgence of the Ottoman Al-Shabaab party, previously discredited due to their relinquishment of Libya. The Liberal and Concord Party had seized this opportunity to oust the Young Turks in July 1912, though they retained some military influence thanks to the leadership of Enver Pasha. With the Ottomans on the brink of losing more territory, the Al-Shabaab saw a chance to regain power.

At a clandestine meeting of the Al-Shabaab, Enver Pasha addressed the party members, criticizing the current government's weak stance and highlighting the incompetence of the newly appointed military chief, Nizam Pasha, whose poor leadership had squandered a significant portion of the Ottoman army. "For the sake of our nation, we must act," Enver declared, his speech stirring the spirit of the young students, military officers, and intellectuals in attendance.

Enver Pasha, born in Constantinople to an Albanian family, had a robust military background and was deeply involved with the "United Progress Committee," a local revolutionary group. His leadership during the 1908 revolution that toppled the Sultan had earned him considerable influence, which he leveraged to strengthen ties with Germany. The German government, recognizing his pro-German stance, had substantially increased their financial and advisory support to prepare him for a potential coup to address the current crisis.

Unbeknownst to the current Ottoman government, which was still reeling from the harsh demands of the Balkan states and considering capitulation, the Al-Shabaab was orchestrating a reactionary coup. On January 23, 1913, they struck, assassinating Nizam Pasha at the army headquarters and seizing control of the government without encountering resistance. The coup d'état was swift and brutal, resulting in the deaths of several high-ranking officials, including Prime Minister Maha De Kay.

With the Al-Shabaab now in power, they immediately renounced the armistice agreement with the Balkan states, reigniting the conflict in the region. The Balkan War resumed, marking a new chapter of turmoil fueled by nationalist fervor and political intrigue.

In the bustling office of the Crown Prince Edel Dangjean, a heated discussion unfolded, much to the curiosity of the guards stationed outside. They exchanged puzzled glances, each silently questioning what pressing matters concerning the Ottoman Empire could have provoked such a fiery response from their leader.

Within the confines of the ornate room, Crown Prince Edel stood, his face a mask of frustration as he held the latest telegram detailing the precarious situation in the Ottoman Empire. The head of the guard, Carust, who had delivered the distressing news, attempted to ease the tension. "Your Royal Highness, even if a coup d'état has occurred, it's unlikely to significantly impact the Ottomans. Their forces in Asia are considerably weaker than those that have been decimated in Europe. They stand little chance against the Balkan states."

Despite Carust's reassurances, Edel's concerns were not allayed. His voice, though slightly calmer, carried an undertone of worry. "It's true that the Balkan countries are likely to prevail, but what concerns me are the economic repercussions for Romania. With the current shipping constraints, our costs are bound to increase significantly. Moreover, we've had two of our ships seized by the Ottomans."

The ships in question were vital assets to Romania's maritime endeavors. One, a freighter named Kro, was tasked with transporting approximately 6,000 tons of grain. The other, a car carrier called Biaque, boasted five levels of transport space and was capable of carrying 1,087 vehicles. Both vessels had been intercepted and held by the Ottomans while navigating through the strategic Bosphorus and Dardanelles straits. Fortunately, the seizure was just that—there had been no confiscation of the ships or their cargoes, which would have inflicted a financial loss of six or seven million lei on Romania.

Carust, realizing the depth of the Crown Prince's economic concerns—which he had initially mistaken for worries about the Balkan War—nodded in understanding. This issue was indeed a significant one for Romania, whose stakes in the conflict were relatively minor and indirectly related to the Ottoman situation. The benefits Romania sought from the conflict had already been negotiated, and the Ottomans, embroiled in their internal strife, posed no immediate threat to altering the skies.

As events unfolded, Carust's predictions about the Ottoman military's capabilities were proven accurate. Following the coup by the Young Turks, their leader Enver Pasha assumed the role of Chief of Staff. With the strategic guidance of General Otto Liman von Sanders, head of the German military advisory group, the rejuvenated Ottoman forces launched an offensive against the Bulgarian defenses on February 3. However, the Bulgarians, bolstered by superior morale, advanced weaponry, and robust fortifications, repelled the assault with significant casualties on the Ottoman side.

The resilience of the Balkan states continued to manifest as the Greek army captured Keyanina on March 5th, and the combined forces of Bulgaria and Serbia took Fort Adriatic on March 26th. The capture of Shkoder by the Ottoman forces on April 22nd marked a significant defeat for the empire.

The siege of Adrianople was particularly devastating for the Ottomans. Under the command of General Nikolai Ivanov, the encircled Bulgarian Second Army, supported by Serbian reinforcements, orchestrated a meticulously planned attack on the fortress. The operation, which included two night assaults, involved wrapping uniforms and weapon parts with paper towels to avoid any reflective glints or noise. Horse-drawn light artillery provided infantry support, and efforts were made to disrupt Ottoman radio communications to isolate the defenders.

On the night of March 24, 1913, the outer fortifications were breached, and by the following night, the fortress had fallen. In the early hours of March 26, the fort's commander, Muhammad Sukry Pasha, surrendered to the Serbian forces, marking the end of the siege. The subsequent looting of the city, particularly targeting the homes of Communists and Jews, lasted three days, with conflicting reports about the perpetrators; some accused the Bulgarian forces, while others blamed local Greeks. The treatment of Turkish prisoners was harsh, with many losing their lives, leading to severe criticism of the Bulgarian forces for their alleged atrocities.

The military prowess of the Bulgarians during this period was widely reported by British war correspondents, who noted the remarkable achievements of a nation with a small population and limited budget. They highlighted the strategic movements and victories over a much larger adversary, celebrating the Bulgarians' determination in battle.

As the conflict progressed, the Ottoman army of Shkoder, overwhelmed by defeat, requested an armistice on April 23. The European powers, led by Russia's vehement insistence, also advocated for a ceasefire. Russia, in particular, had long harbored ambitions to control Constantinople, a dream that Tsar Nicholas II hoped to realize personally. Despite some attempts by the Balkan League to test the defenses of Istanbul, they ultimately conceded to the armistice, recognizing the impracticality of capturing the city.

Three months later, negotiations resumed in London, with the Ottoman Empire, now severely weakened, unable to resist the terms set by the Balkan Alliance. This shift in power dynamics marked a critical juncture in the region's history, setting the stage for future geopolitical developments.