webnovel

Colorless King (6)

Voting rights criteria: male, 25 years or older, must have paid taxes and have no criminal record.

Also, voting is only possible within the area where one's personal information is registered (mainly where occupation is registered).

Along with these conditions, the Amur Governor-General's Office also received the Emperor's order to send representatives to the Duma.

"Ah, Your Excellency Governor. What should we do?"

"Roman, how many tax-paying adult males do you think there are in the entire Amur region?"

Though they sometimes collect money in rural villages for village repairs or land reclamation, that's not collected by the state.

In other words, most current voters in the Far East are soldiers.

"There are nomads who come seeking iron and coal under the pretext of tribute... but I doubt they know what voting is."

"Whatever it is, it's an imperial order, so we must do it."

"But who do we nominate?"

"..."

Reportedly, this State Duma allocated seats even to regions still being integrated or far places like the Far East to maximize reflection of all imperial subjects' opinions.

Only one seat was allocated to this Far East region.

Governor Sergei fell into brief contemplation.

'A figure to represent Amur's people... no, soldiers. Isn't that just telling us to send one soldier?'

Given the region, most are career soldiers, but still, an active soldier in the Duma doesn't seem right.

"We need to send someone who can represent us..."

Though they don't expect gifts from that European land just for sending someone, they can't just send anyone either.

'When we're short even one person, we can't suddenly pull someone with a position away.'

Though the Governor-General's Office overflows with money, land, and work, people are always lacking.

"Then should we ask Professor Bunge for one official?"

"If you can go tell him that and bring back someone, do it. But I can't."

"Ugh, then I give up."

The Far East's new force led by Professor Bunge - self-described 'State-Led Free Market Economic Development System-ists' - were so fierce that even Sergei and Roman had thrown up their hands in surrender.

"Better to have no seat in the State Duma than have one of them represent us."

"I agree. I'm scared all of Trans-Siberia might be branded as heretics."

Then who on earth should they choose?

Once they select a candidate, they just need to gather everyone at the parade ground, give them papers, and have them put them in the ballot box.

Someone who isn't doing crucial work now but has some education, understands the Far East's special circumstances, and should have some sense.

"Hmm, there isn't anyone."

"No, there isn't."

Just thinking briefly won't make the perfect person appear.

When they're already using every somewhat educated person among the soldiers, how could such a person appear overnight?

"So we have no choice but to choose from those State-Led Free Market Economic System- anyway, those people?"

"Ah, that really doesn't seem right."

Unable to find an answer even in discussions with Roman, Governor Sergei finally decided to post public notices informing about the situation after much consideration.

He thought there might be some decent people among those who retired and settled or recently immigrated.

And a few days later...

Thump. Thump.

"Alright, let's put it down here!"

"Yes sir!"

In front of the Amur Governor-General's building.

"What is this?"

"Officer sir, this is the tax from our settlement's five hundred and thirty people. Should be over four seok of rice."

"Aren't you settlers? Why suddenly pay taxes you haven't been paying?"

"We heard this way we could directly elect high officials from the government. Could even run for office ourselves. We've received hundreds of gyeol of land just for our settlement, so we've been anxious about not paying a single coin."

"But-"

The soldier on guard duty was lost for words at the straw sacks piling higher than his height.

"Our empire doesn't collect taxes in rice..."

The State Duma election implementation. Effects that neither Nikolai nor Roman and Governor Sergei knew about began to emerge.

For example, suddenly receiving tax from 30,000 immigrant settlers of a particular ethnicity.

==

The Duma elections that began in autumn showcased an undoubtedly fair process over a full month, with public vote counting and detailed reporting of every step to newspapers.

After adding processes that seemed almost excessive, the elections ended and Duma members were finally composed in November.

Democratic Party 63 seats - First Party.

Conservative Party 47 seats - Second Party.

Labor Party 38 seats - Third Party.

Progressive Party 29 seats - Fourth Party.

Minor parties and parties allocated to specific regions or ethnicities 23 seats.

Though some complained the seat allocation wasn't 100% fair without population, religious and ethnic surveys completed, such forced arguments were easily dismissed.

"Perfectly fair. What more could you want."

The only regret was that even after reducing the original historical 478 seats to 200 and further dividing them under the excuse of regional and ethnic consideration, combining the Democratic and Labor parties still made a majority.

'Still not bad though. Combined they have 101 seats. Hard to secure a majority if you pull out just one or two.'

Especially considering the Democratic Party isn't yet ideologically as fixed as the Labor Party, those 63 won't easily unite.

The new year approaches soon. A Duma composition whole 10 years early.

Still milder compared to 1906. Ideologically less armed. Less unified.

A parliament more strongly intervened by my will rather than reflecting their strong wishes.

'Meaning they're immature. No groups like the Socialist Revolutionary Party openly calling for overthrowing the imperial system.'

As soon as the elections ended, I called the representatives to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg.

Though some from Central Asia, Siberia, and the Far East haven't arrived even by year's end, there's no time to wait as Duma elections will be held annually.

Having invited the Duma members to a Winter Palace banquet, I stood before them directly.

It's clear from how the many gazes upon me are closer to doubt or curiosity rather than outright hostility.

'They must find this Tsar so different from their father a bit strange.'

I understand. Nobles who couldn't secure either upper or lower house seats after elections are raging, and bureaucrats who led the administration are dissatisfied with parliament watching them on top of an independent judiciary.

Nevertheless, I called them to my imperial palace. Truly unprecedented.

To appear as approachable as possible, I skipped unnecessary entrances and ceremonies.

Step, step-

I advance toward them in a less decorated uniform.

Though all stand to sing the national anthem, their gazes show determination to not miss a single moment of me.

Now is the time to be the good-natured Nikolai.

"Everyone, please be seated."

I stood and began my speech with a friendly voice rather than an imposing one.

"I'm truly glad to meet the representatives of the empire like this. Though I'd like to take time to get to know each individual, I cannot for fear of lending ear to biased opinions."

As with the election process, I promise you fairness. Not legally, but humanly, I wish to hear your opinions.

"I won't speak long as we haven't gathered just for socializing with busy representatives. My grandfather, and my father until now, ruled this vast empire but left me no clear answer regarding this land."

Actually, the answer is set. The policy of fostering a middle class of independent farmers carried out in the empire's final period.

But such talk won't come from these many representatives' mouths.

"This is my first order as Tsar ruling this country. Bring me plans for land reform. The conditions are as follows:"

"First, there must be no innocent victims. Second, land must be given to farmers immediately, not over a long time, and food prices for workers must stabilize. Finally, it must be feasible within the current empire's capabilities."

Truly righteous conditions pleasing to our imperial subjects.

Under these conditions, whether through collusion or unity, they'll need to bring an answer that satisfies nobles, farmers, workers, and me with majority approval.

"If the State Duma provides wise policy, I shall help as much as possible."

Because to my young and uneducated eyes, it seems impossible.

After the short, impactful speech ended, I returned to my seat and lifted my glass to wet my throat.

The gazes that had been on me since the start of the banquet now begin turning to each other.

I see people murmuring and leaning in to talk quietly.

Well, I've thrown the bait, so bite and taste it all you want. I'll be watching.

==

"Your Majesty, you said you called us for greetings! How could you dump the empire's biggest problem on the Duma!"

"Then, what did you want?"

"The land issue shouldn't be touched now. Why do you think everyone's been hushing it up for decades? Wasn't it to delay the problem's explosion as long as possible since it's difficult to solve immediately!"

"No. Minister, speak straight. Didn't you think that since it's not exploding now, it won't explode later either?"

Remarkably, this Finance Minister position has always had clear-headed people carrying out reforms through generations.

Though unlike the New Village Movement where everyone from top to bottom worked together, it was just Finance Ministers darting here and there stitching up an empire trying to tear apart, but anyway, there were always people with vision.

'Just look at Professor Bunge. He saw farmers as the empire's core. Even workers' foundation ultimately came from farmland. Since farmers' children came to cities to become workers.'

Those at the center of reform until the empire's collapse were all outstanding.

Land reform is the problem that even they couldn't solve for 70 years.

"Witte, let's acknowledge it now. Land reform can't be solved now. No? It won't be easy even after 10 years."

"Then all the more reason you shouldn't have brought this issue to the surface. This could shake the very foundation of Your Majesty's power!"

Forgetting he was before the Tsar, Minister Witte looked at me with desperate eyes, hoping I would face reality.

Is he truly worried about me or afraid his reforms will stop if I weaken?

Finally, to him looking overly serious, I had to bring up the old story once again.

"When I was in the military, I once experimented with a miniature version of the current situation. Though the context was different, it was a rookie writing vaguely wondering if land reform could be completed through the Far East's empty land."

The content was a very far-fetched story about compensated distribution of the empire's empty land or compensated confiscation of well-cultivated existing land using tax funds.

'How could that ever work. People won't go even if paid to.'

"Even for a short writing by just a crown prince, not Tsar, the response was explosive. Even conscripted soldiers came to ask if it was really true."

"...The weight of your words is different now than then. Giving false hope to ignorant masses is very dangerous."

"Just keep listening first."

Actually, the core of that contributed article wasn't whether land reform was possible through that vast Siberian land or not.

Who would react, and how.

That's what I wanted to see.

This issue would have to be faced during my reign anyway.

From vested interests with land to workers, farmers, intellectuals, bureaucrats, soldiers - I wanted to see as many reactions as possible.

"I thought at least one force supporting my opinion would emerge, but not at all. Rather, they started fighting among themselves. Those illogically refuting my article, those agreeing but modifying it slightly more favorably for themselves, those rambling about their family's circumstances hoping to belong to groups gaining benefits. So diverse it was hard to even classify."

It was utter chaos. Right after I created that chaos, father buried me deeper in the military.

"That's when I realized. Ah, land reform must never be solved through dialogue. This issue must be pushed through at once with overwhelming power."

Then those satisfied with reform become my allies, while those dissatisfied must be coaxed and soothed until pressed down at the right time.

Only then can reform succeed and progress be made.

"I created the State Duma. Yes, it's like the newspaper where I published my article."

Meanwhile, our Duma members who have neither overwhelming power nor can solve things through dialogue. Can they produce reform plans meeting my conditions with a majority?

"I'll make sure imperial subjects can know all meetings and contents from the Duma through newspapers."

They'll split and fight, unite and divide, eat away at each other's ideologies. Some will fall exhausted and sick of politics, while others will eagerly rush in.

Good. Very good. That's why I threw them the bait of land reform.

As my words ended, Witte's eyes, trembling now for different reasons than despair before, were fixed precisely on me.

His graying hair and wrinkled skin prove he's seen and experienced more years than me.

Nevertheless, Witte wasn't seeing me as just young Tsar Nikolai anymore.

"Your Majesty... why are you doing this?"

To him, I could only smile gently.

Approaching him looking somehow more shrunk than when angry, I slowly patted him.

"You just need to do well what I tell you to do. Despite appearances, I'm quite rooting for you."

This much is sincere.

It's incredibly admirable how he even controlled his subordinate officials to prevent them from joining any party.

This is my first teaching.

And our Russian Empire...

Still has a long way to go on the path of learning.

Nächstes Kapitel