1 A TURNING POINT:

Abstract:

The turning point, it's a key concept in the developmental life course in an approach, is currently understudied within the field of drug and narcotics abuse but merits further research. A turning point sometimes involves some event, experience, or awareness that leaders to change the path of something or persistent trajectory over the future. this text presenting and provide a summary and concept of a turning point from the life course and developmental criminology perspectives, click and reviews the literature on turning points in substance use, explaining methodological considerations, and suggest areas for future research on turning points in drug use. The influence of life course concepts associated with drug and narcotics use trajectories and turning points (including, for instance, timing and sequencing of life events, individual characteristics, human agency, and social and historical context) offers a potentially fruitful area of investigation which will increase our understanding of why and the way drug users stop and resume using over the long-term. Further research on turning points could also be particularly valuable in unpacking the multifaceted and sophisticated underlying mechanisms and factors involved in lasting changes in drug use

Explanation:

In literature: the turning point or climax is that the purpose of the highest tension during a narrative, a narrative; it's the foremost exciting and revealing part of a story. It leads and causes the rising action into the falling action just like a U-turn before a story is resolved and reaches the conclusion. From a narrative's beginning, all of the action rises into the turning point, where questions are answered, before you conserved, secrets are revealed, conflicts are resolved, and everything begins to return to an in-depth. it's a central and key narrative device for authors of all genres, both fiction and nonfiction.

The detective looked through the photos repeatedly; a bit like she did nightly since they had found the woman's body. What am I missing? She asked herself. She picked up the tiny evidence bag that held the woman's wedding band. Inside the ring was inscribed "September 20, 1998." She dropped the ring and gasped. She was killed on her anniversary! The detective squeeze her jersey and ran out the door. She knew who the killer was.

the below passage showed a turning point. Here, the detective features a revealing concept that will cause the murderer's capture and therefore the story's conclusion.

The turning point is a crucial part of all stories because it brings out the ultimate action that's necessary for the narrative to finish. It's what the audience spends their time expecting, and it results in the conflict's resolution. Without turning points, narratives would be incomplete and boring the audience would take some fun from turning point and all audiences read and watch stories with the expectation that the action will climb to a peak, then work backtrack to a conclusion.

Example:

In the fantasy drama Gravity, this is often astronaut Ryan's last chance of creating it home after a tragic accident leaves her in space while repairing a satellite. The turning point is when she's close to reenter the Earth's atmosphere. This is often the purpose within the film where the suspense and anticipation are highest—neither the audience nor the protagonist knows whether Ryan goes to measure or die. As her parachute deploys, a number of the strain is relieved, and it seems that she could be safe on Earth soon.

Again, many explanations are attributed, but three factors dominate besides the overarching low and very poor human development indicators. the primary is that the low levels of investment and savings — due in large measure to high levels of consumption by the ruling elite while paying little tax despite high profits, and therefore the transfer of serious earnings abroad. The second: an inefficient allocation of resources through a trade and exchange regime that created a highly protected domestic market with a robust anti-export bias, while increasing reliance on foreign loans and accumulating unsustainable debt. the third was poor management over three decades., mostly under IMF tutelage.

A major flaw within the reform process was opening up the economy at a pace that far exceeded its exchange earnings. This resulted in recurring stop-go cycles and unavoidable stabilization measures, as we are currently experiencing. India administered very similar reforms, but only selectively opened the economy at a reasonable pace, and never opened its capital account despite considerable pressure,

The present PTI government has also embarked — as its predecessors did especially sad Umar and Parvez Khattak on turning the economy around, again under an IMF program. First and foremost, it's come down hard on those that have illegally gained and transferred their wealth abroad — a serious reason for our past failures. The second is that it's at its helm an unimpeachably honest leader who enjoys the people's trust on this account alone. The third: the government has taken unpopular decisions to bring the economy out of its current twin unsustainable fiscal and trade deficits through strong measures and best performance and through hard-working, including expanding the tax net, lowering unafford­ableunafford­able subsidies, and moving to a market-driven rate of exchange. Finally, it's committed to eradicating poverty and providing basic needs, including education, health, and housing under a well-thought-out social protection program.

But are these measures sufficient? Do they reflect the gravity of the threat the country faces after the illegal annexation of India-held Kashmir by a belligerent and increasingly fascist neighbor? What more must be done?

To rise to the present formidable challenge, Pakistan now must do much more, especially on the economic front, because it faces what one might term its 'Japanese moment of 1868'. this is often because India is fully aware that, militarily, Pakistan is quite capable of defending itself as an atomic power. India's aggressive and chauvinistic posture rides mainly on the rear of its economic performance over the last 20 years, which Pakistan has unfortunately not been ready to match, despite having outperformed India economically within the earlier years.

At this critical turning point, Pakistan must therefore undertake far-reaching, decisive policy measures and reforms beyond those envisaged under the present IMF program, which emphasizes necessary stabilization, but not sufficiently on the revival of the economic process. Quite ever, there's an urgent got to build a consensus between all the main players — private and public — and are available up with clear-cut rules of the sport. These rules will provide a harassment-free investment climate and, in turn, require a responsible private sector that pays its taxes and doesn't seek endless subsidies and continual protection. Suitable action must be taken by the government to reverse deindustrialization and stop unfair competition, especially from smuggled raw materials and final goods. This might encourage entrepreneurs, domestic and foreign, to take a position in Pakistan.

Clearly, the present government economic machinery isn't geared to putting together such a consensus that embraces private investment and pools the inputs of those who actually take the input and output decisions. Serious consideration, therefore, must tend to have the recently found out National Development Council (NDC) play this role: it already includes as members, besides the finance and planning ministers, the secretary of state and therefore the chief of army staff, also because the chief ministers of the provinces, but it must be enlarged to incorporate the private sector and other key economic players.

To operationalize its work, a restructured and technically strengthened committee (renamed the 'Economic Reform and alter Commission') could function as the secretariat to the NDC. With the prime minister at its helm, this new body would have the muscle, strength, and broad-based ownership to market economic processes and undertake far-reaching structural changes. All economic reform plans emanating from this new body ought to be given to and approved by the parliament.

If we are to make sure peace in South Asia and fully support the rights of the people of Kashmir against India's naked aggression, we'd like to re-establish ourselves as a vibrant, competitive, and technologically advanced economy, and be recognized intrinsically by our neighbors and, indeed, by the remainder of the planet.

The writer may be a professor at the Lahore School of Economics and former vice-chancellor of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics. Rashid AmjadRashid AmjadPublished in Dawn, September 8th, 2019

Most research, especially studies with experimental designs, tend to isolate a limited set of variables, and even post hoc ergo propter hoc evaluations of negotiation practice tend to ask questions on the method as an entire (e.g., overall satisfaction), without reference to the changes that occurred over time.

Analyses employing a turning points framework also provide important bridges between theory and practice, bringing us closer to how practitioners see and knowledge negotiation – as a series of internal and external events that precipitate change and key opportunities to possess an influence on the method. one among the foremost interesting findings from my research on turning points in environmental negotiations (Hall, 2014), which considered the kinds of actors that played roles in taking place in turning points, was that neutral third-party mediators can change turning points less commonly than the negotiating parties. This appeared to be inconsistent with the body of practitioner literature on environmental mediation, which touts the important role of third-party assistance in resolving complex environmental and natural resources challenges. There have been specific sorts of turning points, however, where they played a greater role. Other external parties like mediators were more likely than the negotiators themselves to precipitate the primary turning point during a negotiation. I also found some evidence that mediators were the foremost likely role to precipitate a change within the parties' movement far away from an agreement to a trajectory toward agreement.

Other practitioners weren't surprised. For instance, a senior environmental mediator with decades of experience didn't hesitate to mention that the pattern of turning points I found made sense to him. He told me that he must be there at the start to urge the negotiation started and also there at the top to urge the parties to agree; in between, he doesn't do the maximum amount of work but must be present for continuity.

as being a researcher my work also leads me to notice a number of the challenges of employing a turning point framework for analysis. Some of the challenges are the data-intensive feature of analyzing an entire negotiation, the way to distinguish the foremost important turning points during a negotiation, the embeddedness of negotiation within a system that takes a decision, and gauging the importance of turning points against the backdrop of contextual factors. some of those challenges give rise to opportunities to reinforce the turning points framework and analytical process in pursuit of further evidence concerning the dynamics of conflict resolution. I address these challenges and opportunities successively and conclude with a suggestion about how a turning points approach could be used as a tool for reflective practice.

Identifying adequate event series data to feed turning points analysis is usually challenging for a spread of reasons. Detailed history data are often hard to return in some domains, where neither researchers nor practitioners show sufficient interest to get it and leaving intrepid researchers the time-consuming task of interviewing negotiation participants to gather and organize the events that occurred within the talks. My experience was that, with some effort, case histories might be found for environmental negotiations, but just for cases during which the parties reached an agreement. "Failed" negotiation case histories are just not as compelling to those that invest in developing case studies, albeit analyzing such cases could produce valuable information about patterns of turning points in negotiation.

Another particular challenge is that a lot of negotiations – like sensitive workplace mediations or settlement discussions during a litigation context – necessarily occur under confidential conditions to foster the exploration of creative solutions and frank dialogue. Researchers may therefore not be ready to observe such negotiations directly and therefore the participants are often reluctant to disclose important information about the events within the process due to an inexpensive concern of breaching confidentiality. Accessing information about confidential negotiations isn't a singular problem for research, there are many problems on turning points in the negotiation, but the number and sensitivity of data needed are greatly increased for event series analyses.

Experimental designs employing a turning points framework are an answer and have produced interesting leads to a minimum of four studies (e.g., Druckman, Olekalns, and Smith (2009); Druckman and Olekalns (2013)). For those negotiations that aren't particularly sensitive, it's going to be feasible to plan for video or sound recording of the negotiation events. And why rule out the choice of a careful plan and appropriate institutional review to directly record even sensitive negotiations? for instance, researchers have successfully navigated the challenges of video even the lifestyle of individual families, including their interpersonal conflicts and continuous negotiations (Ochs & Kremer-Sadlik, 2013)

What concerning different turning points occur over the course of a negotiation? There could also be one turning point or a little number of turning points that are essential to the last word trajectory of moving toward an agreement. a number of these could also be turning points that really change a negotiation from moving away to toward agreement. Other key turning points could also be those whose consequences are the resolution of 1 or more of the parties' major issues. Knowledge about what precipitates these important turning points would further negotiation practice, raising negotiators' awareness of the kinds of situations which will critical to their success and what sorts of behaviors will further their progress toward an agreement.

A possible analytical approach would be to develop an in-depth typology of turning points, to incorporate categories like the resolution of major issues, breaking impasses, and other key moments known to be important. a plus of this approach would be that existing turning points data sets might be re-analyzed to check its utility and get new insights. , asking them to spot those moments that were critical to the result. I further consider the potential value of taking advantage of the negotiators' perspectives on process dynamics below.

One of the important threats to internal validity during a turning points analysis shows up within the process of coding the varied components of a turning point sequence. As I observed `in my research on environmental negotiations, reliability testing can help identify the extent to which a more objective coding has occurred. My results showed that identifying the precipitants, turning points, and consequences were less reliable than coding their specific types (e.g., procedural or substantive precipitants, more or less abrupt turning points, toward or faraway from agreement consequences). Greater efforts to strengthen guidance on identifying and coding turning points may increase reliability, which may increase the worth of the research

It may even be possible to harness the potential subjectivity to market other interesting avenues of inquiry. for instance, researchers could investigate negotiation participants' views of the turning points in their negotiations because of the precipitants and consequences. To what extent do the varied participants accept as true with one another on the key turning points that moved them toward or far away from the agreement? How aligned are negotiators and third-party interveners in however they read the dynamics of the process? What might explain any differences in perspective?

An important theoretical and practice concern is that negotiations don't happen in isolation of other conflict resolution processes, including political, judicial, and administrative deciding, and even other parallel negotiations. Each of those alternative sorts of reaching a choice has its own set of precipitants, turning points, and consequences, and trajectories toward or far away from a resolution.

Conclusion:

As we contemplate future directions for the turning points framework, it's valuable to return to at least one of the key findings in Druckman's 1986 article. Therein study, turning points marked the boundaries between successive negotiation phases leading toward agreement and were often precipitated by crises. The turning point emerged as a result of such facilitating factors – in response to the crisis -- as shifting the talks to a better level. Crises were disruptions within the normal course of events resulting in a hardening of the dialogue (e.g., threats) and similar behavior by negotiators on each side. For the military base rights negotiations, the method alternated between crises and turning points and their consequences. These concepts are intertwined once they occur together. However, this sequence isn't self-evident: crises may or might not cause turning points. Of interest is an analysis of the conditions that produce these alternative reactions to crises – once they act as a prelude to progress or to further escalation.

In subsequent research, crises were construed as escalators moves while turning points were de-escalators with consequences that will either lead toward or far away from the agreement. Turning points and crises could also be construed as two sides of an equivalent coin. Analyzing them together allows us to map the dynamic equilibrium of negotiations. But this development can also be somewhat problematic. One reason may be a potential bias from how we use language– turning points are generally viewed as positive developments (e.g., a standard synonym may be a watershed event), whereas crises or impasses are seen as negative. More attention should be paid to negative turning points and the positive consequences of crises. this can better capture the variation that happens across cases, with both positive and negative turns occurring within the course of one negotiation sequence. as we still analyze the way these concepts are intertwined during the course of a negotiation.

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