Chapter 68: The Vote (Part 1)

 The king's escape, though initially seen as .a farcical drama, completely altered the nation's course. Before this incident, even though there were some, like Marat, vehemently attacking the king in the press, the moderate faction still held sway in the Assembly. This was especially true after the king's swearing of the constitution. In fact, even the radicals like Robespierre and Danton were shouting "Long Live Louis XVI" at that time. The difference between the radicals and moderates back then was merely technical, like whether the clergy should pledge allegiance to the state or whether they should use democratic elections to appoint bishops. But everything changed after Louis XVI's flight.

Upon discovering the king's escape, Lafayette immediately declared that the king had been "kidnapped by enemies of the state." This claim managed to deceive many, albeit briefly. However, soon after, a letter left by the king was found in the palace. In the letter, the king claimed that he had been abducted to Paris and that everything he had signed after July 1789 was done under duress and was therefore null and void.

When this letter was discovered, Lafayette was busy planning the "rescue" of the king and other post-escape arrangements. He hadn't anticipated that they would manage to bring the king back at all. Thus, there was no time to keep the letter a secret, and word of it quickly spread. Although Lafayette later vehemently claimed the letter was a forgery and that the king had been coerced into writing it, this explanation lost all credibility as soon as the king returned to Paris because, apart from the king himself, there was only one adult male in the group who had accompanied the king – his valet, which meant the king had not been coerced at all!

However, the intricacies of politics often hinge on willful blindness. Even though they knew that the king was fundamentally opposed to the revolution and constitutional monarchy, many members of the Assembly found it in their interest to maintain the constitutional order. So, they pretended not to know about the king's opposition to the revolution and continued to support constitutional monarchy, ostensibly protecting the king.

But the king's prestige among the common people was completely shattered by this event. The angry mob vandalized everything related to the monarchy and the fleur-de-lis (the Bourbon dynasty's symbol) in the streets, either smashing them or covering them up. As most members of the Assembly still supported constitutional monarchy, the frustration of the lower classes was redirected toward them. In their eyes, these people and the king were in cahoots, oppressing the people. It was because of these individuals that, after the revolution, the people's lives hadn't improved in the slightest.

This anger had always been simmering beneath the surface, but for two reasons, it had remained dormant like molten lava. The first of these reasons was their expectations from the National Assembly. At that time, they still believed that the National Assembly could represent their interests and speak for them, and that good days would come if they waited patiently. However, during this time, that patience was wearing thin.

In the "Constitution of 1791" passed by the Assembly, citizens were categorized as "active" or "passive" based on their property status. Only those who paid a certain amount of taxes were granted the right to vote and be elected, thus being deemed "active" citizens. In a way, this was a limitation on citizens' rights based on their wealth. Just a few days before the king's escape, the Assembly had enacted the infamous "Le Chapelier Law." According to this law, workers were strictly prohibited from forming unions and going on strike, with violators facing a fine of 500 livres and a one-year loss of citizenship rights, and ringleaders being fined 1000 livres and sentenced to three months in prison.

These laws not only failed to protect the interests of the lowest classes but also increased their constraints. This quickly eroded the trust the lower classes had in the Assembly.

The second reason was the absence of leaders among these people.

However, the king's escape resolved both of these issues. The National Assembly's prior actions, combined with the impact of the king's escape, significantly diminished the Assembly's standing among the lower class. The National Assembly, at that time, had lost the trust of the common people.

Following the king's escape, the demonstrations of the lower classes also presented a new opportunity for some radical deputies. They astutely noticed that by standing with the lower class, they could gain significant political capital. Brissot, Bonaire, and Condorcet openly suggested that France should consider adopting a republic.

And so, things started to get more complicated.

Nevertheless, this chaotic situation didn't seem to affect Joseph and Napoleon. On the contrary, with the likelihood of war increasing, their responsibilities grew even more pressing. The newly formed army was undergoing drills and exercises against them. In these drills, Napoleon repeatedly employed tactics like ambushes and artillery ambushes, rendering their forces ineffective. In no time, even as a mere lieutenant, Napoleon had gained recognition in the Paris National Guard.

But soon, an unexpected event disrupted Joseph's work yet again.

On the 16th day, the Assembly officially declared the king and queen innocent, claiming that they had been abducted. Of course, they also hypocritically vowed to severely punish the "kidnappers."

This decision enraged the sans-culottes. On the 17th, led by some republicans, a group of sans-culottes marched to the Place de la Révolution near the City Hall for a demonstration. There, they were brutally suppressed by the National Guard under Lafayette's command, resulting in numerous casualties.

Lafayette explained that it was the mob that had first attacked the National Guard. He maintained that the National Guard had only opened fire after raising the red flag on City Hall and issuing three warnings to the mob. According to prior Assembly laws, City Hall had to display the red flag and issue three warnings before using deadly force to quell a riot. However, the republicans and sans-culottes accused Lafayette of lying. According to them, Lafayette's National Guard had only raised the red flag and opened fire without issuing a single warning.

Since they had already resorted to violence, they decided to keep going.

Lafayette announced in the Assembly that the sans-culottes were thugs, and behind them were conspirators – the members of the Cordeliers Club. Consequently, the Assembly issued arrest warrants for several prominent members of the Cordeliers Club, including Danton and Desmoulins. Danton, upon hearing the news, promptly fled Paris. When it came to fleeing, he was far better at it than Louis XVI, and he successfully made it to England. As for Desmoulins, he found a hiding place.

In reality, since the police system hadn't fully recovered yet, their ability to apprehend anyone was quite limited.

On the surface, it appeared that Lafayette had the upper hand. However, this series of actions tarnished his reputation significantly. Especially within the National Guard, there were many sympathizers of the Cordeliers Club. Soon, even within the National Guard, voices opposing Lafayette emerged. These voices greatly undermined Lafayette's position. While his allies, Dumouriez, Barnave, and the Lameth brothers, didn't differ much from Lafayette in terms of their political views, they were content to see Lafayette's standing damaged. A series of Assembly actions afterward was essentially orchestrated by them, but people believed that Lafayette was manipulating everything. So, not long after, Lafayette's reputation shifted from that of a hero to an executioner and conspirator.

Reputation is a fickle thing, often more fragile than pristine paper. Mark Twain's experience in running for governor is a prime example of this.

One afternoon following the Place de la Révolution incident, Joseph was about to leave work when he coincidentally ran into Lafayette returning from outside. Lafayette wore an exhausted expression, and upon seeing Joseph, he called him over, saying, "Tomorrow night, the club will have an important meeting. I hope you can attend."

Joseph knew that when Lafayette mentioned "the club," he was referring to the Jacobin Club. Since the "Breton Club" had moved to Paris and set up its meetings in the Jacobin Monastery, it had officially changed its name to "Society of Friends of the Constitution."

Joseph had always done his best to keep his distance from the Jacobin Club's activities. Especially in such tumultuous times. So, he quickly made up an excuse, saying he was very busy and had some vital matters to attend to, preventing him from participating in the meeting.

"Is it a matter concerning the army?" Lafayette asked with a furrowed brow, as this was Joseph's usual excuse for missing club activities.

Joseph immediately replied, "No, it's a personal matter." He knew that if he claimed it was due to official business, Lafayette, his superior's superior, would likely order him to temporarily set aside his duties.

He then inquired, "General, may I ask what important matters are at hand for the club that necessitate the presence of members like me, who seldom attend?"

"The club is holding new elections to select a new club president. Can't you spare some time for that?" Lafayette replied.

At that time, the Jacobin Club was not yet a radical organization, but it had been growing more radical recently. Today, many of the club's voices no longer aligned with Lafayette. However, for Lafayette, the club was an essential tool for gaining political influence that he couldn't easily give up. Perhaps Lafayette hoped to use these elections to cleanse the Jacobin Club.